Political Action of Industrial Unionism

Maoriland Worker, Volume 2, Issue 13, 2 June 1911, Page 8

Political Action of Industrial Unionism

For this panor the first principle is Socialism. That principle is very first of very first.

"With Socialism as .its startin.ij; point. Tiik Maorilatsd Wokktcii vicAvs all else, and nicnsiires sill values, as contributory or otherwise to the iuivancement of Emilo Zola's "wonderful plan of

salvation."

Social i*m .stands for Toil's eiiiiuici pation—the no o<l and tho Nemesis Tin's is -why it is our first principle.

Believing that all the "ways'" of furthering Socialism end in the triumphant supremacy of Industrial "Unionism— Loth 'way ,, and expression (for like Socialism itself Industrial Unionism is method and movement as well as system)— Tjtk "Wohkhk insists on Industrial Unionism as first line of action in forwarding first principle. As sytitcni. Socialism and Industrial Unionism are synonymous. Aα "way" they may be different. l?oth "•ways" will result in Industrial Democracy- — Industry by. for and of the people (as Democratic government is of. by and for the people in theory to-day).

Something o!~ what was to be paid for Industrial Unionism w<? said last week: in our remarks upon Political Action thai ■'something." be it remembered, holds good. As : '\vay" to Socialism, politics (in New Zealand) is regarded by Tin: Woiskistj as second line of action in forwarding first principle. So much has been done already per political palliatives that political palliatives can no further <j;o. They are up against immovable wail. To make workingclass legislation •effect \\ c it is now required twat industrial orgaiiisatio?i be immeasurably strengthened. Next perfected. At the hour the best "palliative" —tested even by this ephemeral medium — i> closer industrial orion. We spo.:i; as above in. the economic eens-e. We are in the neighbourhood of the fundamental. Nevertheless, polities has ma.ny uses. Though, economically considered. politic.--: under Capitalism can be of littl-o avail for ga'cii Labor le.qi.-ilation proves finally futile -yet in all tho complex departments uprearing upon tho economic, foundations of .society, politics plays a prominent part in our daily

lives. "Willy-nilly we arc in its grasp. Education, Taxation, Free Speech. Military Training, ConcHiatio-a and Arbitration, Early Closing, Factories Regulation.. Marriage, Temperance, Sabbath Observance, Conscience, Rights and Liberties, are a few of the subjects touching vitally the workingclass through politics. So that if we would we could not ignore politics. In this realm also '■Eternal Vigilance is the Price of Liberty." While regarding Industrial Unionism as primary and Political Action as secondary, this paper will not trouble, to quarrel with the one who regards thorn as complementary. It is near-enough correct to view both as right and left legs respectively of the working-class upon the march—or as the male and female of - the movement; therefore, One and Indivisible. Let the member of the N.Z. Federation of Labor as such maintain the prima<\y of Industrial Unionism. Let the member of the Socialist Party as such maintain the necessity of Political Action. Let the one aid the other. If the one is both, Industrial XTnionism and Political Action are Tiomrades-in-arms. They are Clasped Hands. They are not rivals.

So far, the Federation of Labor as such is purely industrial, though it has yet to make itself the Industrial Union (of ' ■which, anon).

But a Socialist Party is in essence purely political. It cannot be an industrial union. It operates for the conquest of the political powers of the State. By every teaching of Marxism that is its purpose.

And for everybody the franchise is u.-eful. It is protective, and progressive. The vote is a blood-bought gain of glorious pregnancy. No man nor woman can afford to be inert when a ballot is to be east.

Political parties exist to agitate, educate, and organise respecting politics, and being political parties the Socialist parties of the world take Political

Action

Socialist parties are not simjily agitational and educational —they are aTso organisational; in other words, they nix? constructive added to destructive. They are out for votes. If evolution is on the side of Socialism, so are the votes. Their increase i.s as a. blazing prophecy athwart the social horizon of capitalism's doom. Will the Socialists of New Zealand grip the moral ? Will they .see where duty and destiny lead? On to Political Action. With the Federation of Labor doing its splendid work on the political field, is it to he stultified, perhaps nullified, hy the absence of work as splendid upon the political field?

11l a manner of speaking tho stare in "their courses are aiding the Socialists of N.Z. "What would, the separatist Socialists of Australia not give for the opening and opportunity wide gaping to New Zealand Socialists!

It is not for Socialist parties to question the- need or wisdom of Political Action. It is for them to act. To dare and do.

Now, for a parenthesis. There i» Political Action and Political Action.

Morris Hillquit says that "Practical Politics may be defined as the act or action of gniding or influencing the policy of a Government, or the effort to obtain control of or influence aver the powers of Government."

Politics, in other words, is tlio art cr science of government. It concerns itself with the organisation and management of parties in their relation to civil affairs and opinions.

Though it is customary to speak of politics AND Industrial Unionism. it would be more correct to regard Industrial Unionism as Belonging to politics. In its pristine purity polities means all things relating to government. Only in Anarchism is there escape from politics.

However, usage has somewhat narrowed the scope and signification of the term; and so Worker, readers are aware that in this paper Politics stand for Parliamentarism, and/that when we speak polemically of Political Act:on wo really mean Parliamentary action.

Understanding this, then,The ER ventured upon the contention that the desertion of politics will prove, caiamitcus: and ventures upon the contention despite the evils which have followed upon the magnifying of mere Parliamentarism. As Mr. Semple admirably points out, the political armament is virtually abortive without the industrial armament. Australia tea>:i;es soaring lessons in this respect. The industrial is the pivotal—the parliamentary the adjunct. Attention to the pivotal alone might be .sufficient if it were practicable—in the .sense of being acceptable. It is not acceptable : the Australasian is a, political animal. But attention to the accessory alone—as in Australia—carries within it the roots of failure; and is plainly stupid. Despite, we say, the evils attendant upon the glorification of mere Parliamentarism, in the recoil from Political Action there is the graver danger of foundering in the malign marshes oi Impossibilism. Heed two telling quotations. Harry Quelch pertinently observes : "Political action is not to be despised, nor is any other that will help to break down the domination of the master class and hasten, the emancipation of the proletariat. It will be time enough to forswear political

action -when the master class no longer strive to retain the mastery of the political machine; it will ho time en©ngh t« dissolve our trade unions, and declare that ''never again" will we strike when tho employers cease to combine, and no longer resort to tho lock-out. -.

Morris Hiliquit. in ''Socialism in Theory and Practice," states: —"It the number of Socialist voters in the world has grown from about 30,000 in 1867 to almost 10 millions in 1908, if the Socialists have become a recognised factor in the public life of 2-5

modern nations, having representation in the Parliaments and Administrative organs of 16 of them; if the Socialists have elaborated a clear, detailed, and sober programme of social transformation, and developed in their ranks thousands of thinkers, orators, statesmen, organisers, and leaders, the practical politics or the modern Socialist parties is largely responsible for these splendid results. Without the unifying and propelling force of political activity, tho Socialist movement to-day might not have advanced much beyond the stage of the purely literary .significance 'of the early Socialist schools or beyond that of a number of incoherent sects."

Socialist Party, to work! Politics is universal and essential —imperative because of the "mix-up" the world is in. Though wo uoav realise that the fault has been the exaggerated emphasis of the place and power of politics, as in a glass darkly we also realise the folly of abstention from politics. Preach, help, Industrial Unionism and take Political Action—there safety lies.

As we have said, them is politics and politics. Therefore, Socialist politics is the only sort that will serve. Recognising the dominant failure cf Labor legislation, the Revolutionary Socialist will enter Parliament in order to plan nnd achieve tlie Social Revolution, and make the workers the Ruling Class. The Socialist will go to Parliament to make history, and if history he does not make, he will have proven recreant to his historical mission. It is no longer a question of whether Socialism is desirable, but a question of giving effect to it. Tlie politics of Emancipation is the requirement. This is the polities, of Industrial Unionism. Its future is victory : its victory is emancipation. This paper is not inconsistent, or if it is. Ib is the inconsistency of logic. Do not dub Thk Wojikkr inconsistent because it is inescapably paradoxical. Industrial Unionism plus Political Action is what we are after. It menus the worker Lord of all.