The Task Before Us.

Maoriland Worker, Volume I, Issue 7, 20 March 1911, Page 12

The Task Before Us.

4 Capitalism in this twentieth, century is much more civilised, much more subtle, in its methods than any system of exploitation of former days; therefore it is harder to realise as an enemy in the concrete, and hence more difficult to light, so numerous and intricate are its ramifications of human life and society. It deals out pennies liberally, noisily with its left hand, snouting raucously into the ears of its beneficiaries how good, how kind, how considerate it is, while, with, its ruthless right hand it holds the Worse roy the throat and wrings from him, by sheer brute force, the wealth he creates by his labour. It trumpets its own good deeds throughout the world—honesty, bravery, virtue, nobility of character, all are claimed as attribtites of its favourites and devotees, and even the children of the people, born with the voice of song in their souls, have prostituted their divine gift to hymn paeans of praise to the exploiters of their class. The common people, inherently honest and noble, have been slow to suspect, and slower to realise, the trick that lias been played upon them; slow to> see it was all a game of make-believe. That their "superiors and betters," while continually preaching precepts of honesty and justice, did so, not because they desired to improve the Workers morally or ethically, but simply that they themselves might such as a cloak to hide tlieir numerous nefarious practices carried on m the name of "business/ This is the class that has governed us in the past. And in governing us have they done' so with, a view to out ultimate good as a people? Rather they have governed us as though we were the inhabitants of an alien province, who, at all costs, must be prevented from active interference in the commerce of the country, and whose interests must be kept subservient to til interests of the capitalist class. ifet there are Workers Avho proiess to believe that this class has governed us FOR OUR GOOD ! It has exploited our class for generations FOB OUR GOOD! It herded our parents into city slums VOli THEIR GOOD ! It has driven us, their sons and daughters, from our Motherland, and housed us and our children, in rackrented, jerry-built houses, for our good ! It has drilled us into battalions, and marched us off to shed our blood, or the blood of our fellows, on tne international shambles, for our good 1 It has taken our sons and drafted them into districts where industrial Avar Avas being Avaged and commanded them t~> shoot doAvn their tatners and brothers. All .for our good ! And Avhy is the individual Worker, who sees evil instead of good in such, conditions, so helpless ? Simply because he is not his own, but another's. He is bought Avith a, price. The days Avhen the Worker owned his tools and the products of the labour of his hands und brain have paissed. The Worker no longer oaviis the tools Avith Avhich he toils, or the commodity resultant from the intelligent application of his labour to the raw material provided. by Mother Nature. To-day the Worker is a machine, owned by another — a mere "hand" —'and in return for the sacrifices capitalism has compelled him to make, he has been given the very doubtful privilege of voting for a £6 per week politician. He Has been given a franchise which, economic determinism being Avhat it is, makes it impossible for all but a, small band of truly Working-Class representatives to succeed in obtaining seats, in Parliament, and these capitalism immediately sets about to demoralise. It brings all the allurements of Avealth. and society, influence and preferment, to bear upon them. It spends money freely, lavishly, in order to teach them to talk about the "rights" of capital, the "interest" of commerce, and the "glory" of Empire. In fact, the immense privilege

of belonging to the ''greatest empire in the world," of being a unit among the "greatest, people on earth," has been shouted, and preachecc anct sung, so often, so insistently, so seductively that many in whom we trusted have been beguiled into believing their stories of faery gold, only to be lost— lost to their class in the hour of our direst need. Hence the growth of fear, apprehension, suspicion. Hence the need of caution, circumspection, vigilance. Our press, our pulpits, our schools, have all along been in the hands of men and women, the great majority of whom were toadies, place-hunters, •office-chasers. Our children have had the ideals of capitalism set before them as the only things worthy of attainment. 'I'his in great measure is why we have been so long in realising that for centuries our interests have been bartered for a mess of pottage. .But we are begininng to see these things in their true perspective, arid as knowledge grows, the Workers, in ever increasing numbers, will refuse to submit to the class of representative we now have. They Aviil seeK to be represented by men who are class-con-scious, and ai'e determined that the Working-Class shall be emancipated by its own effort. It may be, it scarcely can but be, .tihat from time to time we shall be called upon to criticise adversely one or •other proposal of some leader or official. vVe shall not hesitate to dO so wherever or whenever we are convinced that the advice or action of such «vi one is to the hurt rather than to the heip of Labour. If we think a motion or a movement wrong A\e reserve the right to say so —franKly. It> may be, in the- eyes of some of our readers, we ourselves shall be the first to transgress, and so our columns, will be open lor the full and free discussion, not only of the doings and designs of leaders and officials, but also of our own teachings as to tenets and luetics. But, whatever the provocation, we snail try to remember, and we ask our comradecritics to try to remember, that it 's our duty, as. it is their duty, to seek not to antagonise but to bring into agreement each, and every battauon of the Army of .Emancipation. Therefore we, and they, must strive to so write such criticism, that it will be all but impossible, with any semblance of justice, to so construe our words as to make them appeav to have been written out of pique, rancour or ill-will. For ourselves, not one word shall be set down in malice, though vre- may have to write that which gives pain to the writer in that it needs must be written. We ask comrades to credit us, as we shall credit them, with being inspired only by loyalty to what we each believe to be true Working-Class interests, and with the hope that our words may remove the scales from eyes economically blind, quicken ears dull, and. give voice to the economically silent. We know there are many who point to the evident differences or opinion among the various sections of the Labour movement as a reason why they hold aloof. Let us assure such that their reason is no reason. It is an excuse that accuses. Differences among us there undoubtedly are, but surely difference is better than indifference. Those who differ from us as to tactics, nevea-theiess- taiie- some part m the right, while those who are indifferent are absolutely useless where they are not also harmful. Let us accept our differences, and, with a view to understanding each other better, let us, in due season, discuss, them courteously, without anger or resentment, and from the broadest standpoint of the interest of our class. The Trades Unionist, with his knowledge of organisation, can do much to help toward solidarity. The Socialist, with his wider grip of the science or economies, may make plain the verity of that "class war many of his fellowworkers fail to realise. Thus we may be a mutual help in our light for freedom. There are great possibilities berore a united Working - Class organisation, great possibilities, and responsibilities no less great. You may shirk; them, you may deny them, but they are there ; and one day, the putting back of the hour of victory may be preferred against you, in that you did not take advantage of your opportunities to bring your fellow-workers into the fighting line, or that you failed to recognise your responsibility in the matter. To the young men and young women in both sections of our Movement we especially appeal. I'ou scarcely nave been long enough connected with the Trades Union, section or the Socialist section to allow of bias vitiating your judgment. Or, if you have, then leave your bias aside for the nonce, for is it not to individual bias and partisanship that we can lay much of the disagreements and most of the quarrels that, in the past, have been the reproach and stumbling-block of our movement ? Instead of bias bring ideals; Instead of partisanship bring principles. Ideals which bring that inward vision that

holds ever before us the picture of our class emancipated, glorious and free ; principles that give us new courage \ and renewed strength—the patient toil of a worker, the brilliant inspiration of a comrade ! Most Workers have been originally attached to one or other of the cm-ei political parties. Generally they have worn the party label before they have understood its full significance. We all know that if you approach too near to a- waterfall you lose the general effect of the mountain of which it forms a part. It is much the same with politics, or years most of the older Trades Unionists have been occupied examining closely, and from the narrow party point of view, ail the little bills "reuxtiiig to Labour," that both pa.rties in tarn threw them to fight and squabble over, that they constantly lost sight of the mountain. Such forget that as the greater contains the less, as the mountain contains the rocks and tiie waterfall, so does economic emancipation include political emancipation, religious emancipation, class emancipation, sex emancipation, industrial emancipation. Let us look at this question not as Craft Unionists or Industrial Unionists, not as members of the Labou Party or of the Socialist Party—that is, not as 'party' , men apart trom principles—bin simply from the standpoint of the class to wliich we belong and to whiciL we are proud to belong. Instead of striving and straining at becoming £0 per week politicians, let vis try to act as honest men, weighing every action, to the best or our Knowledge, with regard to how it will help or hinder the great struggle in which we are engaged. Taking the simile of the mountain and the waterfall from another point of view : as surely as a. number of stones unci a lew buckets of water, thcugn improving amenities of our garde-ns are but a poor substitute for the magic beauty of the waterfall and the mystic sublimity of the mountain, so the palliatives thrown to us from time to time by one or other politician, while varying sligutly the condition of tixe people, ure at best out a, poor substitute for economic freedom, which, in the fight for the palliative, for the time being is shelved and almost forgotten. Let, us cease to squabble over the easiest means of commandeering a. few bits of rocK and pails of water, and un,ite in a determination to go cut and possess the mountain ! ±'ix your eyes on the ideal of Labour free, each member of society meeting on an equal footing, enjoying equal rights, eqiiai liberties, and equal opportunities. Set your mind resolutely to work towards this ideal, and no politician, no party, no matter how powerful, will be able to avail themselves of you as a tool for the using up of part of the energies and savings, of your class in fighting for all sorts of tenth-rate concessions ; concessions too that make little or no perceptible difference, or that are coming m the natural course of evolution, and perhaps are hastened scarcely at all aespite tiie tierce struggie to obtain them. If we look round with seeing eyes, we cannot fail to observe that the economic evolution now going forward is bringing about the centralisation of capital, and that the economic power of the money-lords has annihilated already the political power of almost ever- ,- civilised nation. We seem to be daiiy losing every distinction as individuals, to be bending more submissively under the Iron Mcci of Capitalism, and unless we throw off our lethargy and awake to the real power of wealth, unless we are prepared to sink minor differences for the sake of our great objective, we will find that the enemy, ever watchful to take advantage or division in the ranks, will take tiie opportunity to forge ever more strong the chains that hold us in subjection. But this need not eventuate if we are wise. There are around us signs of coming change.—a change, if we be faithful and loyal to our class, we shall so shape and control as once for all shall stamp out of existence capitalism jind its foul brood, poverty and superstition. As during the sixth decade of last century a strong tide of liberty swept- over -he world, which, for all future time, put an end to chattel slavery, so to-day a strong tide of liberty is coming towards us, and it we use ib aright, we, with its aid, can carry before us ail the outposts of capialivsm and beai class-conscious workers triumphantly into the life of the nation.

Socialism is not afraid of brains. It is .gathering into its fold the best writers, the best thinkers and th© cream of the working class. The ignorant, the scrap and the slag- are left for the capitalist expiring regime.