American Letter

Maoriland Worker, Volume 1, Issue 5, 20 January 1911, Page 5

American Letter

LABOUR NOTES (By SOJOURNER.) It may be interesting, and it cannot fail to be instructive, for New Zealand labourites to pause a moment in their ever-growing struggles and perplexities and take a glance at the condition of affairs in America. Indeed, such a study is necessary in order that grave dangers and difficulties may be avoided. For this Labour and Capital problem is world-wide — international. The enormous volume of interchange in commodities that is going on between nation and nation creates a relationship between economic forces so close that no one country can, with safety to itself and its future, ignore the march of events in those other countries with which it does business. No doubt most of you already possess a fair general knowledge of current events in this much talked of country, gleaned from current literature on the subject, but even the best informed among you Avill, I believe, welcome a direct message from one who is not only an eye-witness of the scenes that are being enacted, but is himself an active participator, albeit his position is but that of a common soldier of the ranks—a "factory hand." Let mc first, however, congratulate you on having at last launched a Dominion Labour Newspaper. It is a wise and timely move. The history of the Labour moA'ement in every country proves the enormous value of party organs. Wisely conducted, a newspaper is undoubtedly the most effective weapon, the most influential agency Avith which we can provide ourselves. It opens up to the rank and file of toilers a wealth of information not otherwise obtainable, and perhaps more important still, it teaches an apathetic public many startling truths which the capitalistic papers would fain conceal. May your venture prosper, and may the days of your Labour neAVspaper be long in your fair land. WORKERS V. MASTERS. Now for a chat about America. There is a sharp contrast between the position here and in New Zealand. The problem itself is, of course, the same, viz., how to apportion the wealth of the country equitably among those who have created it. The contrast lies in the attitude towards this problem of the contending parties—the workers who produce, but do not enjoy, and the capitalists who enjoy but do not produce. Here we have no confusing side issues. The conflict is open, clear cut, undisguised. It is a fight, with naked swords; a fight to the finish. THE EMPLOYERS' ATTITUDE. The money magnates do not (as the custom with their brethren in some other countries) pretend any paternal regard for their employees' personal Avelfare. That is a matter quite outside the scope of their concern, a matter for the attention of the emEloyees themselves. They claim to aye won their position of supremacy fairly, using no means or methods that Avere not available to, and generally of, by the rest of the community. The game has been played according to the rules, and they have won. That is all there is to it. They reason, therefore, that they are clearly entitled not only to hold what they have got, but to get as much more as they can ; further, that they are under no sort of obligation to attend to the interests of their late opponents, the losers. In pursuance of this policy, every effort is put forth to add more and more to the already vast accumulations of Capital. The two principal means by which it is sought to accomplish tnis are:— (1) Improved methods of production and distribution, which is secured by buying the best brains and ingenuity that the world has to offer; and (2) Strict economy in _ the cost of production and distribution. In this latter process the item " wages " ranks pre-eminent, and the only limit to economy in the matter is either limitation of the supply of Avorkers, or the measure of resistance offered. Thus in industries where no effective organisation exists, where a plentiful supply of cheap foreign immigrants is available—as for example in the coal mines and iron mills of Pennsylvania — Avages reach their lowest of loav Avater marks. Women and children are put to the most exhausting and injurious of Avork, and kept at it for long hours each day. They are obliged to work thus for the single and sufficient reason that their men folks' earnings are insufficient for the supply of the family's needs. (By the Avay this is the region, and these are the means whence the infamous Carnegie derives his millions).

Take, on the other hand, those industries where the workers have become well organised, and you find an extraordinarily high rate of wages prevailing. The variation in wages of unorganised, as compared with organised, workers extends from 10 cents (5d.) per hour, which is about bedrock all the way up to 75 cents per hour, which figure is the standard rate for bricklayers here in the State of Michigan, as well as in various other States; a most amazing gap truly! Nothing could afford a more striking example, a more conclusive proof of the inestimable value of unionism, not only to the individual, but to the nation as a whole. But this state of things reveals with unpleasant vividness the fact already stated, viz., that American employers take no heed whatever of the needs of their employees, nor to the value of the services rendered by them. Where there is no organised resistance, wages are cut right down to the limit of human endurance; where there is organised resistance, it is met and fought by every means, fair or foul, that human integrity can devise. WEAPONS OF WAR. In this desperate fight for the spoils which is being waged AA'ith an intensity of fierceness and bitterness hardly approached in New Zealand, the odds are fearfully piled up against the workers. Not content with the enormous advantages afforded by untold wealth, by supreme political and judicial poAver, and by the backing of a powerful chain of newspapers, the employers' association has instituted a system of espionage which would be admirable for its completeness of detail, if admiration could be entertained for a thing so disgusting in its human unfairness and downright cruelty. The association extends throughout the length and breadth of the United States. Every member thereof — which means in effect practically every shop and factory of any consequence in the country—is provided with a supply of " Discharge Report Cards," of which the following is a sample:— DISCHARGE REPORT. [] Excellent Workman [] Average Workman [] Poor Workman [] Interested in Work [] Anxious—Energetic [] Good Disposition—Willing [] Good Ideas —Original [] ~ Education [] Neat [] Prompt—Regular [] Bad Disposition [] Quarrelsome [] Trouble Breeder [] Talks too much [] Professional Agitator—Dangerous [] Insubordinate [] Careless —Forgetful [] Indifferent [] Lazy [] Drinks too much [] Unreliable [] Habitually Late [] Objects to Piece Work Supt. This card comes into play on two occasions, i.e., at the time of discharging and of engaging workmen. It entirely supersedes the old_ system of references, and establishes in its place a strictly private and confidential report, the nature of which cannot become knoAvn to the person concerned. Noav, even if this card were nothing more than it purports to be, viz., a general statement as to a man's capability as a worker, it would appear, to say the least of it, an unfair proceeding. It throws the way wide open for some petty foreman to vent his personal dislike, or satisfy some personal grudge, by concocting an undeservedly adverse report. It is a dangerously large amount of power to place in the hands of any one man over another, especially when you consider how serious may be the consequences to the other fellow. But, in reality, this is not the object of the scheme at all. Employers have too much sense to waste time and money in finding out the opinions of previous employers concerning John Smith's abilities as a worker. That is a matter on which any employer or foreman will prefer to judge for himself. If the report were at_hand at the moment of engaging John Smith it certainly might have some influence, but when you consider that during the interval—it may be of several days—while the report is being obtained, John Smith has been engaged, put to work and tried under the neAv foreman's observation, the absurdity of the thing becomes apparent. No, the card is not kept for the purpose of recording men's capabilities as workers at all. In the first place, that isn't necessary, and in the second place it arrives too late to be of any use. The real aim and object is dis-

closed in the term " Professional Agitator," and emphasized by the warning adjective which follows '' dangerous !'' There you have it. All the rest is mere bluff—a blind to cover up the actual object of issuing the card. It is simply part of an elaborately contrived scheme to keep grofits up by keeping wages down, hould it happen incidentally to result in injury and injustice to individuals, or, eventually, by achieving the results aimed at, to produce deterioration in the character of the American people by sapping and undermining their hitherto strong and independent spirit, these results apparently won't worry the capitalists.. _ With them it is merely mathematical calculation. Profits must be maintained—and increased All means to that end must be used. Nothing else matters. If you look at the reverse side of the card you will see that it is got up in the shape of an " Employees Pass."

This is handed to any employee who is obliged to leave work temporarily during working hours, and must be presented to the watchman at the door when passing through. Obviously, the idea is to bring the card and its contents under the worker's notice in a quiet, unobtrusive fashion, so that he may comprehend what is in store for him unless he is circumspect. So you see it is a kind of double-barrelled weapon. It is an ingenious application of the principle " Prevention is better than cure." The first move is Intimidation. A clear note of warning is sounded. " If you wish to hold your job, don't agitate; shy clear of unionism." The second move is— Punishment. And what a punishment! Fancy the prospect of being blacklisted; of having the doors of every industry in every State, from Maine to California, from the Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, closed against you! For such is unquestionably the design of the Manufacturers' Association, and in so far as they find it possible, its officers endeavour to carry it out. One of the foremen in the factory where I work, who is at heart a redhot Socialist, has told mc of many instances of this that have come within his personal experience. Only last week he received orders from the head office to discharge a certain recently engaged machinist. He immediately went to the superintendent, and protested, urging that the man was thoroughly competent, steady and well behaved, also that the department was already shorthanded, but it was of no use. The superintendent made some vague reference to ''_ orders from the Manufacturers' Association," and then the matter ended. The man had to pack up and go. " A FREE COUNTRY." This is a pretty state of things to find in an allegedly " free country." For no other offence than that of endeavouring by lawful, peaceable means to better his own and his fellows' conditions, for exercising his best_ and highest and most unselfish qualities in endeavouring to alleviate the sufferings of humanity, in short for asserting and proclaiming his very manhood, the American citizen of to-day runs the risk of having the means of life ruthlessly wrested from him. But " every cloud has a silver lining." Behind those dark lowering clouds that hang so heavy over us, the glorious sun of liberty is shining, and presently it will break through. Already its rays are here and there piercing the gloom. I will tell you about this later on. Detroit, Oct. 12, 1910.