PEOPLES’ MOVEMENT

Manawatu Standard, Volume LX, Issue 129, 1 May 1940, Page 9

PEOPLES’ MOVEMENT

FUTURE INTENTIONS. OUTLINE OF POLICY. “The fundamental conception of Democracy is in danger of being lost in this country, not only because of the particular party that is in power, not only because of the weakening ol democratic institutions, -but also, and chiefly, because we as individual citizens have lost our sense of direction. Wo have not been clear in our own ideals of Democracy and our ? part in it. Instead of basing our thoughts and actions on principles, we have allowed conflicting ideas to confuse our minds and have accepted apathetically legislation that ignores these principles. If you allow this to continue, Bureaucracy must take the place of democracy. This apathy has brought about a condition of Government that is an unhappy mixture of almost every politic cal, social and economic philsophy.” This statement was made by Mr E. R'loop, of Wellington, president of the Dominion Peoples’ Movement, in an address in the Wellington Town Hall, last evening, when he set out the movement’s political intentions and ob-; jeetives. There was an attendance of about 3000. ‘lt will be recalled that a meeting of the movement was held in Wellington last November, and since then organisation work has been proceeding. Mr Toop said that Socialism must fail, and the movement aimed to establish a Christian Democracy. “Unless we can have government freed from the domination of party and sectional interests, and unless we can rouse ourselves to a wide sense of national responsibility to a spirit of unity, co-operation and service, then indeed we may well be faced with a situation of the gravest nature,” Mr Toop' added. “At our' inception we stated our determination to be_a force in the political future of our country. Based on the principle of loyalty to country befbre party We can and will make this in very truth a People’s Movement. The existing political parties will have the privilege of deciding whether our policy is reconcilable with party politics or not. We are not satisfied with the socialistic record of either the Government or the Nationalist Party. We will support a party that will conform to British democratic principles which conserve our individual liberty ; a party that will place a policy possible of being implemented before the electors; and a party that will legislate in the interests of all the people. If there is. no alteration in personnel, constitution and policy of the existing parties, we will not hesitate to place our whole organisation and candidates into the political arena to oppose them. > “We must have a buffer party between the two . extremes. It is within your province to say whether that buffer party is to be Mr Leo’s party or a safe, sane and commonsensc middle party. BEHIND WAR EFFORT. “Two charges may bo levelled at us immediately—that we are upsetting national unity in time ,of war by engaging in political activity, and that we will be splitting votes. Regarding the first, I would' say that there are too many people who confuse national unity with party unity. Is there, can there, be national unity under existing conditions P The only agreement so far as I can see is on the actual necessity to go to war. With that we agree. We are wholeheartedly behind the principles for which this war is being waged. We support every contribution and sacrifice that may be necessary to carry out to the full our obligations in the fight against forces that would restrict individual and national freedom and liberty. ' It is because we believe in these principles that we are actively in the field to support and maintain them in this country. It is because we fear that '.existing conditions and political trends may make national unity an impossibility. We must go on to help where we can, criticise where criticism is necessary, but ever mindful of our duty, our sacred duty, to uphold and maintain the liberties that are our heritage.” . INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY. Proceeding to state the movement’s objectives, Mr -Toop . said its conception of Government was one that was bound-, not by the strings of party interests, but only by the general welfare of the people. “And by that I mean all the people,” the speaker emphasised. “This gives us the initial foundation for our policy. The requirements of the people may be simply described: Happiness, health, liberty,, security, stability in their work, and their full share of material prosperity. We cannot give them all these things, we cannot guarantee them happiness, for that belongs in part to other spheres, but within the framework of Democracy we can give them control of their own affairs, to the end that they by their own efforts may achieve these things. We must not be bound by dogmatic theories nor misjudged loyalties—but only b.v the exercise of common sense and fairmindedness.” The principles of the organisation’s policy were set out under three main headings:—(l) The prosecution of the war. (2) Immediate problems and their effect on the future. (3) Preparing for post-war reconstruction. “The People’s Movement will support every effort aimed towards winning the war as quickly and with the least cost in lives and suffering possible,” Mr Toop said. “We will support Gov r ernment policy in this . direction and we will not allow our opinion of one wrong to create another. But we will continue to stress the necessity of Government action and legislation that will achieve the greatest possible unity throughout New Zealand and the Empire. We will work for the removal of any obstruction to this end.” . GROWING TAX BURDEN. Dealing briefly with the question of finance, taxation and debt, the speaker said the trend was for increasing taxes and increasing debts witho'ut any prospects of relief. “Unless a change is made within the not distant future, I fear, that we may be compelled to face up to a situation that may. have disastrous consequences. The more the State collects, the greater is its control of the wealth of the country, and the greater and more important does it become as an employer or possessor of assets —the greater its power over the individual, both employee and employer, and not least over the employee, who may well find that ho has just changed one boss for another—-he may then learn too late that one boss, even though it be: the State—has completed for him a circle back to slavery. With the utmost sincerity I say that will be the history of ,this country if present tendencies are allowed to go unchecked. That may or may not be the intention of the Government—its intentions are not made very clear —but that. is the logical end to its policy. “Basically, the whole problem is. one of production, and it would be pedantic and puerile merely to sav we must have greater production. How must we have greater production P By, first, a clear recognition that there .must be a sound balance as between costs and the value of that production. By the institution of legislation that would give the greatest possible encourage-*

ment and authority to co-operative effort, and a wage system that will be not -only a reflection of our production, biit of a fair share in the distribution of that production to every one engaged therein. By the co-operation of employer and employee, by a true understanding of the functions of Capital and Labour, by discarding and destroyinging the creed, of class warfare and antagonism. In that way we will approach the problem of production and solve the many problems attached to it.

“A problem which appears to be the least considered of all, yet which is probably the most important, is the necessity of preparing now lor postwar reconstruction. Wo will have thousands of men to return to employment. We will he faced with the necessity of changing our war-time production and industry to peace-time needs. We will have to redirect the whole basis of expenditure, taxation, finance aud national economy from the purposes of war to the purposes of peace. In short, the whole of our organisation for war will have to bo converted to the needs of peace-time conditions and peace-time progress. We must begin our preparations at once. We have a duty to the thousands of men who have made sacrifices to bear arms in our defence and to the thousands of boys and girls who take their places. These and many other problems must he faced and faced courageously, that we might he ready to play our part as a nation in the world reconstruction that will come. ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL SYSTEM. "The obvious flaw in our economic and financial system is a rise in public expenditure without a corresponding rise in the means of providing it,” Air Toop said. “Any financial policy to balance this must provide for the following : “(1) Restore the balance between State and private expenditure. • “(2) Return men from State employment to private employment. “(3) Curtail drastically expenditure on .non-productive and luxury schemes, and at the same time apply that effort and expenditure to productive effort. “(4) Co-ordinate public works policy on a business-like basis —institute a national development scheme planned and financed to fit in with the economic condition of the country and the requirements of the people. “(5) Insist on the greatest possible efficiency in all departments and industry, “(6) In consequence of the savings of the foregoing aim, to reduce taxation. “(7) Restore public and financial confidence by removing the threat of possible emergency measures due to the existing conditions. “(8) Restore London fluids by the restoration of confidence. “(9) Encourage private investment for ' national development, thus removing a burden from State expenditure. “(10) Arrange reciprocal agreements with Great Britain by regularising oiir relations with her.”