GENERAL SUMMARY.

Marlborough Press, Volume I, Issue 48, 1 December 1860, Page 3

GENERAL SUMMARY.

From the Home News, November 26. The progress of Garibaldi has been the paramount topic of the past month. In our last we left him crossing the narrow passage between Sicily and Calabria, and finally effecting a landing in security on the mainland. He is now undisputed master of Naples, and preparing to march upon Rome, unless considerations of policy induce him to change his course. He had no sooner appeared in Calabria than the revolutionary movement broke out in every corner of the kingdom. The advance of the heroic little army, from their landing at Melito onwards, was an uninterrupted series of triumphs. The least sympathetic critic cannot but admire the genius displayed in the attack on Reggio; the capture of that stronghold; and the generalship by which the Neapolitan line of defence was broken, and the fall of the forts as far as Scylla rendered inevitable. But when we come to the description of the masterly style in which General Briganti’s Division was surrounded and disposed of, the intrepid and sagacious soldier is merged in the humane and far-sighted patriot. Briganti, not perceiving the hopelessness ot his position, opened out, we are told, with guns and musketry. The Garibaldians were not allowed to answer. Defeat was not enough; the object was surrender. The Neapolitans could indulge in no illusions; they were surrounded on all sides, and had the sea behind them. When, after some delay, the condition of surrender was accepted, what an admirable use did G aribaldi make of his victory ! “ Garibaldi himself went down among the Neapolitans,” writes a correspondent, “ and was almost torn in pieces by hugging and embracing; soldier and officer, together with General Briganti himself, fraternised. But it was when the Neapolitan soldiers were told that those who wished could go home that the burst of joy was greatest. They left their arms, and went off in troops.” There is in acts like this a charm not likely to be lost on the Italian mind; and after hearing of it we become prepared to expect from Garibaldi whatever wonders boundless popularity can achieve. The subsequent progress of the conqueror and liberator resembles a brilliant passage in an epic, rattier than a real occurrence. Up to the 27th of August, the Neapolitans, seem to have maintained at least some show of resistance; but from that time they were nowhere. Telegram after telegram had been forwarded from Naples,- saying that a stand would yet be made against the insurrection. But the point at which that stand was to be attempted receded steadily day by day, till at last it reached Capua; and Capua being north of Naples, the capital was open to the invader. The truth was that the royal forces had practically' abandoned the capital. The defection of General Nunziante, whose fidelity was supposed to be in proportion to the unscrupulous violence with which he had served the old dynasty, was an unmistakable sign that the game was played out. On the 6th September the King, without either abdicating or fighting, left Naples for Gaeta “ on board a Spanish steamer.” It seems that he could not even consider himself safe in one of his own vessels, as something had transpired touching a miserable plot, by which the whole Neapolitan fleet was to be made over to Austria. The entry of Garibaldi into Naples is the great historical fact of the time; afact, indeed, which is not likely to be trans-‘ cended in any time to come. “ How poor is Caesar’s veni, vidi, vici,’ compared with the ‘ veni ’ only of Garibaldi ?” asks the ‘ Examiner ’; “ he came, and all was done; oppression fled before the whistling of his name. It was as if the shadow of his outstretched arm, reaching Naples from Salerno, had sufficed to destroy the wickedest despotism in Europe, and raise up a people from the dead.” Our contemporary most justly places Garibaldi above all other men who have served, and s-ved, their countries. “ In what page of history, ancient or mordern, are the deeds of this Italian equalled ? In him, we see nothing wanting, whether valour, wisdom, or virtue, that a great cause and most arduous enterprise ever demanded in a leader.” It is not merely by the skill and energy with which he has conducted a war under circumstances which, perhaps, no other man in the world could have shaped into triumphs, but the calm sense and prudence, the wonderful foresight and discretion he

has shown in the gravest emergencies, of a wholly different kind, that have won for him the respect and admiration even of his opponents. There is not a stain upon his victories; not a tr&ce of selfishness, or vainglory, or base ambition in any one of his acts. He proceeds as steadily and inflexibly in his course, now that he has a throne at his feet, as when he was fighting against apparently hopeless odds in the streets of Palermo. The promptitude with which Garibaldi made provision for the maintenance of the executive has saved Naples from anarchy. The functions of the law were not suspended for an hour, and order was so admirably preserved, that not a solitary instance of disturbance occurred. As soon as the provisional government was formed, orders were issued for the transfer of the Neapolitan fleet to the Sardinian admiral, and for the disembarkation of the Sardinian troops. These directions having been carried out, Naples became practically incorporated with Piedmont. But it is impossible to stop here ; and the beginning of the end has already commenced. The States of the Church could not witness these movements without being touched by their disturbing influence ; and the Adriatic provinces—Umbria and the Marches—broke out at once into open insurrection, and sent a deputation to the King of Sardinia to ask succour and protection. Some such thought had clearly been in the mind of Victor Emmanuel before the deputation arrived, for he had just despatched an ultimatum to the Papal government demanding the dismissal of the mercenaries under Lamoriciere. The answer to his demand had not been received when his Majesty determined to concede the protection asked by the deputation; and issuing an animated, although not very logical proclamation to his army, he sent a strong force across the frontier, in two divisions, into the States of the Church. While these troops were omtheir way, an answer came from Cardinal Antonelli, which amply justified, if justification were necessary, the resolution at which the court of Turin had arrived. The Cardinal, following up his old besotted policy, refused to disband a single foreigner. In the meanwhile, 25.000 Sardinians had crossed the border, taken Pesaro, with a large number of German prisoners, entered Fano and Urbino, and established their headquarters at Sinigaglia. This exploit was followed on the next day by the entry of 25,000 more at Citta di Castello, which force immediately pushed on to the valley of Tiberina. Perugia, which Lamoriciere had placed in a state of siege, has since fallen before the victorious advance of the army of liberation; and Lamoriciere himself has been signally defeated by the Sardinian general, and lias taken refuge in Ancona, which is now placed in a state of siege, by land and sea. A large number of prisoners have been taken, including 600 Irish. The narrative of Italian regeneration would be imperfect without noting the important fact that, as soon as the Sardinian troops had crossed into the State of the Church, the French minister was recalled from Turin. The circumstance may mean much, or nothing. The French Government suffered it to be distinctly understood that it would continue strictly to preserve its neutral attitude so long as a certain line drawn round the city of Rome was respected. Everybody is consequently puzzled to know what is meant by this new perplexity. Possibly, it may be only a feint to veil the Emperor’s approval of Victor Emmanuel’s movements, which he could not express openly. The final issue of the Italian struggle is the problem that now engrosses most attention. Garibaldi declares his determination to proceed to Rome, at all risks. The differences that have existed between him and Count Cavour are said to have been widened by recent events, and the desperate course proposed by the Dictator. The republican party is acquiring daily increasing strength at Naples, and the advocates of annexation are losing ground in proportion. Saffi, the ex-triumvir of Rome, has been offered the post of ProDictator, and Mazzini is said to be in Naples using all his influence against Piedmont. The situation is extremely difficult, and full of embarrassments. The last intelligence shows that Garibaldi is taking active measures to expel the ex-King from the country, and it shows also that the breach between Garibaldi and Cavour is not in a way to be made up. The King having taken refuge at Gaeta, occupied the whole road from that place to Capua with a large force. It appears that Garibaldi attacked the Neapolian army at the latter place, and was repulsed with a considerable loss; but that he attained the object he had in view, which was to secure the possession of Castel Volturno, at the mouth of the river on which Capua stands, a post which cuts off the retreat of the Neapolitans to the sea. The strategy of the patriot general, with reference to the Royalist army, is to close up all the avenues of escape, and thus finally compel the enemy to surrender,

rather than to risk events upon the fortune of a battle. He has completely achieved his purpose in this respect, having established three distinct positions, within which the Royalists are inclosed. There can no longer be any doubt that the policy of Garibaldi differs widely from that of Cavour, and that there is little chance of a reconciliation. In a proclamation just addressed to the people of Naples, he announces his programme, "which is to join the troops of the King of Sardinia at Rome, after which both will proceed to an attack upon Venice. This may be a feint; but, in a case, it casts Cavour to the winds. A letter written by Garibaldi, and published under his own authority in the official ' Gazette,’ expressed very plainly the impossibility of reconciliation with a minister who “ sold a province.” The issues of this feud are of the last importance to the future of Italy. A crisis has evidently arrived upon the conduct of which the settlement of the whole question of Italian liberation depends. The meeting which is about to take place between Queen Victoria and the Prince Regent has not escaped commentary in the French press, where a political significance is attempted to be attached to it. But it is the most innocent of all the royal gatherings ; and the alarm which some politicians, in the train of the Emperor, affect to feel at it is merely a pebble thi’own wantonly into the water to keep up the agitation on the surface. The session of 1860 is over at last. Tire Queen has dismissed her faithful Lords and Commons in a speech which passes lightly over the things in which they have failed, and makes the most of what little they have achieved. That the retrospect of a session should not come up to the programme with which it was opened, is no more than we are accustomed to expect; but the contrast, in the present case, between what, was promised and what has been performed, is considerate V stronger than usual. The Royal message, which was"read the other day by the Lord Chancellor, must he not viewed in juxtaposition with the bold outline of legal and constitutional reforms which was sketched in the opening speech of January last. But there would still be some ground for congratulation, if the measures which have been passed were really good and useful ones. We believe that the great majority of our readers will be less disposed to regret the omission of tilings, which'ought to have been performed than the rash and careless performance of things which should have been let alone. The capital instance will not fail to occur to them of the measure for the amalgamation of the European forces in India—a measure which, in spite of its acknowledged importance, was only introduced at the fag end of the session, and was then hurried through small “houses,” with an extraordinary haste, and in the teeth of an opposition baokedbv a great preponderance of experience. But the strong point of the Government has been generally, and with justice, admitted to be its foreign policy ; and it will be seen that the paragraphs relating to foreign affairs form onehalf of the Royal speech. Although the tone employed on this head leaves nothing to be dcsired —we have, of course, a re-reiteration of the non-intervention principle—yet we look in vain for any explicit declarations on the chief questions which are. now pending. There is a peculiar naivete in the statement that if foreign powers abstain from interfering in Italy, the tranquility of other states will not be placed in jeopardy. It is precisely from the apprehension of iorei'gn interference, in one shape or another, that the Italian complications create alarm ; and this alarm can be lessened only in proportion as the probabilities become distinct that such interference will in no case occur. But the speech does not even hazard a conjecture touching the actual chances of the future. Nor are the vague hopes which are expressed in regard to the affair of Savoy much more likely to inspire confidence. Her Majesty’s Ministers repeat, indeed, that they hold the neutrality of the Swiss Confederation, which the cession of that province has compromised, to be of vital importance to the balance of power in Europe; but nothing short of an affirmative and perfectly explicit statement can induce us. at this time of day, to hope that France will grant those concessions which an adherence to the arrangements of the treaty of Vienna would require of her. Our foreign intelligence, with the exception of that which relates to Italy, is comparatively unimportant. We are expecting news of the opening of the Chinese war, which has been delayed by the preparations of our ally. In Syria, the Turkish authorities are, at last, manifesting a determination to put down the fanatical revolution against the Christians, and several executions of superior officers have taken place. The progress of the Prince of Wales through Canada has been seriously obstructed by the Orange party, who insisted upon getting up party processions and demonstrations, which his Royal Highness refused to recognise, or to be present at. But the tone of the people everywhere was that of enthusiastic loyalty. Melancholy news has arrived of (lie total loss on Lake Superior, in North America, of the Lady Elgin steamer, with a large number of excursionists and passengers on board, including many English. The loss of life is estimated at about 300; amongst them was Mr. Herbert Ingram, M.P., proprietor of the Illustrated London News. Our domestic news is literally a blank. There is nothing doing, and nobody to do anything. At the west-end, nine-tenths of the better classes of houses are shut up ; you could play foot-ball with impunity in Regent-street as they used to do two hundred years ago in Cheapside: a few companies of sprightly volunteers in profound green, or sly grey uniforms, with their rattling bands of drummers and filers at their head, produce a sensation now and then, as they march through a subuib ; but for any symptom of our regular London life, you might as well expect the sky to rain pitchforks, as hope for such a manifestation. Dinner-parties have become a tradition. You might get everything necessary for a dinner party, except the guests. The theatres, notwithstanding this discouraging condition of the town, are all open. Where the people who frequent them come from, or where

they go in the day-time, are problems which even time itself cannot solve. Happily we have one source of satisfaction in the midst of our loneliness, the weather "is improved, and its effects upon the, harvest are becoming mpre and more manifest every, day; Now that we are approaching October, there is a reasonable chanco' of the winter being soon over; and we suppose; by the time we get into November and December, we may look for a little- summer. . Ihe travestie is alarming; but what of that if the harvest profit by it ? And we are glad to, say that the harvest is no longer in danger,- and that the rate of mortality has fallen very considerably in London during the last six weeks.

The intelligence from New Zealand has revealed a state of things which demands immediate and energetic measures. It is pretty evident that the force in the colony' is inadequate to the new circumstances which have arisen, and that fresh assistance" must be obtained from some quarter-either from India or from England. It is idle, at present, to rail about settlers and natives, and to spend time over investigations as to who is wrong, or bow this lamentable civil war originated. The first duty of Government is to bring the contest to as speedy a termination as possible; and this can be effected only by affording the colony the means of restoring order and asserting the supremacy of the tribunals. The longer the conflict rages, the deeper will be the sense of wrong and feeling of hostility on both sides. Show the native that you have the power to put down insurrection, andthat you will put it down before you entertain any claims or. complaints, * and you shorten "the term of the struggle, and save the effusion of blood. The 2nd battalion of the 14th regiment sailed for New Zealand nearly three weeks ago to relieve the 65th; but the battalion is inexperienced, and not likely to render very efficient services in the kind of warfare for which they will be required. We trust, therefore that additional strength will be obtained forthwith ; and that if the Home Government have not seen the necessity of supplying it, the Colonial Government will feel the reponsibility of acting with that promptitude and energy which the occasion imperatively demands. —Home Neios.