THE POWER BEHIND THE GUN.

Manawatu Herald, Volume XLVIII, Issue 3042, 29 May 1926, Page 4

THE POWER BEHIND THE GUN.

CAUSE OF THE GENERAL STRIKE. Since the general strike was ealotf in Britain thoughtful people have been asking how did it come about that sane labour men and women were drawn into this disastrous blunder. From the cable news it appears that the members of the Trades Union Congress were divided on the question before the strike was declared. It almost passes understanding to know why men in the Labour movement, such as J. R. MacDonald, J. 11. Thomas, J. R. dynes, Frank Hodges and many others countenanced the action of a general strike, which they had previously denounced as a futile and unreasonable line of action to take.

Their endorsement on this occasion may be ascribed to intense emotional sympathy with the miners in the hard trials they are undergoing That, however, will not fully account for the giving way to a course of action which is only justified on practical grounds if those who enter into it do so with the Communist purpose before them of “hard civil war.” The men who are here mentioned are not swayed entirely by emotion. A hat, then, took place'which may be set down as the cause of the general strike decision? With the Trades Union Congress Council at sixes and sevens before the battle was entered upon there must have been some power which caused the decision to fall as it did. Our opinion, is that this power is to be found in the communist directed “Minority Movement.” This is a militant movement that has sprung up within the trades Unions. It is controlled by Communist leaders and its growth has been something phenomenal. We gatherinformation of what the force of this movement amounts to by reference to the ‘Workers’ AAeekl.v COUNCILS OF ACTION. The minority movement has been very active in forming Councils of Action all over Britain. Many Trades Unions and Trades and Labour Councils have joined up with this movement. In the Workers’ Weekly, March 26th, 1926, a conference is reported thus: “More than a million workers were represented by the 883 delegates who attended the MinorityMovement’s Council of Action, in Battersea, last Sunday (March 21st). “It was, despite the many difficulties, so much the largest conference ever held by the Minority Movement that it must be seriouslyreckoned with in the forthcoming crisis.

“It is important to note that the expenses of these 883 delegates were borne by the Trade Union branches that sent them, and not by the National Minority Movement.”

The paper, in its leading article, writes in this strain: — “Many have wondered at the virulence with which the safe, sane, and reasonable type of labour leader —the type that wins the applause of the capitalist press—have attacked the militant section of the Labour movement, industrial and political.” “Now the secret is out. They are fearful, and with reason, that the pressure of the rank and file will soon rach such dimensions that they can no longer balance themselves upon a point mid-way between the workers and the bosses and camouflage their cowardice as a statesmanlike consideration of the interests of the community as a whole.

Then it condemns llie policy of “high wages in return for high output” and leaders of the Trade Unions together in this statement. — “Notwithstanding the superficiality of these capitalists arguments (in favour of high wages in return for high output), there are indications that certain leaders of the British Trade Unions are rising to the bait, and are inclined once again to tread the path of class collaboration. It is only necessary to scan the pages of some Trade Union journals during the past month or two to realise this is so.

“The conference of action will help to damn their efforts in that direction. It should put new courage into the left Trade Union leaders for it will once again reveal to them that the rank and file are behind them.”

We get the matter summed up in “Lansbury’s Labour Weekly.” — “The Conference of action, which met last Saturday under the auspices of the Minority Movement' 'was a distinct success, and the resolutions carried were of a refreshingly practical kind. The proposal to make the Trades Councils the rallying centres for local activity, including the organisation of factor} and pit- committees and Workers’ Defence Corps, are in line with the plans put forward in this journal. We are also entirely in agreement with the proposal U l£ U the Trades Union Congress should take the lead in co-ordinating the Trades Councils and turning them into local Councils of Action under its own auspices.” A POWER TO BE RECKONED WITH. This Minority Movement is clearly seen to be no mere superficial agitation of a few hot heads. Its conference represents over a million workers. Not industrial peace but warfare, both industrial and social, is its definite aim. Acting through the Unions, from which the Trades Union Congress gets its finance and the Labour politicians

their votes, it simply cannot be ignored by the responsible leaders of Labour. That its influence exceeds its numerical strength is very protable when we remember the revolutionary trend of the last held Trade Union Congress at Scarboro, In the face of this Communist activity the Labour leaders of the right show decided weakness. It is true that in addressing the public they uphold industrial peace. Their weakness, however, lies in this —- that instead of denouncing and fighting the communist element (as the American Federation of Labour does) they- toy with its policies. “Councils of Action” they have tolerated, even patronised. Such Councils are not formed to pass resolutions but (o act industrially (o revolutionary ends. AYhen the Minority Movement planned for a general strike per councils of Action the “moderates” found it hard to say “no” and therefore, said “yes.” The Communists were the power behind the gun. Sane Labour is in the position that it must either fight tbs power or suffer by it. (Contributed by the New Zealand Welfare League).