Manawatu Herald. THURSDAY, JUNE 19, 1919. LABOUR AND BOLSHEVISM.

Manawatu Herald, Volume XLI, Issue 1992, 19 June 1919, Page 2

Manawatu Herald. THURSDAY, JUNE 19, 1919. LABOUR AND BOLSHEVISM.

IN an impressive article in M’Clurc’s Magazine for April, Mr Samuel Gompcrs. President of the American Federation of La hour, detines his attitude with regard to Bolshevism. He points out at the outset that, on the eve of the United States joining the Allies, the National and International Trade Unions, in national conference, agreed io a resolution offering “our services to our country in every held of activity to defend, safeguard, and preserve the Republic of the United States of America against its enemies, whomsoever they may be, and wo call upon our fellow-workers and fellowcitizens in the holy name of Labour, Justice and Freedom, and Humanity to devotedly and patriotically give like service.” Mr Gompcrs points out that the Labour movement of America is bound by the sentiments expressed in this resolution. He then shows that the movement lias a constructive policy —a policy of progress, and he continues; —If that policy of the American Labour movement is opposed and successfully opposed, then, our work, our activities, and our movement will be sent to destruction. If we ure impotent, if we are incapable of securing for the workers improvements in their conditions, then we ought not to exist. I say for myself that if I were convinced that the American Labour movement is impotent to be of service to my fellows, I would quit it and abaudon the organisation to its justifiable fate. It is a question of dealing with such a movement as represented by the American trade unions—the American Federation of Labour —or dealing with a body of irresponsiblcs or irreconeilables. If wc are not on the right track, then those who represent the wildest orgy of destruction, with no consideration for the rights of in-

dividual*,, will come to the front. It is a matter of choice between dealing with such demands or dealing with the constructive forces of the organised Labour movement of our country. I do not know that I am entitled to very great’terodit because 1 am not a Bolshevik. With my understanding of American institutions and American opportunities, I repeat that the man who would not be a patriot in defence of the institutions of our country would bo undeserving the privilege of living in this country. It is true that we have discussed democracy. We have used that term glibly and often without understanding. It is true that we have discussed freedom, and often without understanding. I have had the opportunity of travel in Germany. I have never heard any people so vociferously and enthusiastically sing and shout the terras of freedom and democracy as did the German people. Freedom is not a condition, nor is democracy a condition. Freedom is the exercise, the functioning of freedom, the practice of freedom, the practice of democracy. All that society can give, all that government can give, is the opportunity for freedom. It depends upon the people to be intelligent and grow into the feeling, the exercise, and practice of the function of freedom. It was because the principles of freedom and democracy wore menaced by the system of autocracy and militarism that the people of our country and the peoples of other countries and of the democracies of the world rallied around their banners and declared, and made good their willingness to make the supremo sacrifice for the principles, the institutions, and the practice of freedom which were threatened to he overwhelmed and crushed. If 1 thought that Bolshevism was the right road to go, that it meant freedom, justice, and the principles of humane society and living conditions, 1 would join the Bolsheviks. It is because I know that the whole scheme‘leads to nowhere, that it is destructive in its efforts and in its every activity, that it compels reaction and brings about a situation worse than the one it has under! aken to displace, that I oppose and light it.