GERMANY’S OFFER OF PEACE.

Manawatu Herald, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 1650, 14 December 1916, Page 2

GERMANY’S OFFER OF PEACE.

London, Dec. 12. Official. —A wireless message states: Herr von Bethmann-Holl-weg announced in the Reichstag that Germany with her Allies, conscious of their responsibility before God, before man, and the nation, and before humanity, had proposed this morning to the hostile Powers to enter into peace negotiations.

Herr Hollwog this morning received the American, Spanish and Swi ss representatives, and presented them with a Note proposing peace, and asked them to transmit the Note to the hostile Governments.

Vienna, Constantinople, and Soda simultaneously issued an identical Note, the text of which was also communicated to (he Holy See and all the neutral Governments. The contents of the Note have not yet been disclosed.

The wireless message adds: The four Allied Cowers have pul forth propositions which, according to their firm belief, are an appropriate oasis for the “establishment of a lasting peace."

New York, Dee. 12.

Despatches to New York newspapers from Berlin slate that when Herr Bethnmnn-Mollweg addressed the Reichstag the galleries were crowded.

Herr Hollweg sjiid: “Germany (ogmher will) her A Hie.-, eonscioii- of their responsibility before Mod, I heir own notion, mnl humanity, Jins proposed to iho hostile Powers to outer into peace negoliolions. Rumania entered (lie war in order to foil up (lie position in the East. TJie - 1 'lies olieiisive ..a the Somme laid for its object the* piercing' of tlie West trout. Both have* failed. General von Hindenberg did not rest in Ids military operations. At the* same tune firm foundations were* made tor our economic needs. Great slocks of grain, victuals, and oil wen* captured in Rumania, the transport of which had begun. Great deeds have also been accomplished by the German submarines. The German Empire is not a besieged fortress, but a gigantic and lirmly disciplined camp, will) inexha us 1 i hie resources. Our west front stands. Despite the Roumanian campaign our west front lias been equipped with larger reserves of men and material than formerly, and efficient pi’ecautions have been taken against Italian attacks. llin<lenlmrg. with unparalleled genius, captured the whole <d Western Wallaehra and Bucharest, these sword strokes laying new foundations for our economic needs. We captured great stocks of Roumanian grain, ioodstutls and oil, the transport whereof has begun. Despite our scarcity we could have lived on our own resources. Now our safely is beyond question. “To the great events on land we add the heroic deeds of equal importance of our submarines. The spectre of famine which our enemies intended to appear before us now pursues them without mercy. “Behind our lighters stands a nation at work. Germany is not a besieged fortress as her adversaries imagine, hut a gigantic, disciplined camp with inexhaustible resources. We progressed with linn decision and continue to progress. We are always ready to defend ourselves and light for our national freedom, safety and future; always ready to I stretch out a hand tor peace. Our strength has not made our ears deaf to our responsibility before God and Ini inanity. Onr adversaries evaded oar loriner declaration coiieernin o ' onr readiness for peace. Since the outbreak of war. when the Kaiser had to make the gravest decision that lias ever fallen to die lot of a German and was compelled to order mobilisation following on Russia’s mobilisation, the Kaiser's single thought was how peace could he restored safeguarding Germany after a victorious struggle. ‘‘With a deep moral and religious sense of duty towards Hie nation and towards humanity, the Kaiser now considers the moment has come for official action towards peace." The Xoie says; “The most terrific war in history has been raging for two and a-lmlf years, a catastrophe which two thousand years of civilisation was unable to prevent. The spiritual and material progress which is Europe's pride is threatened with ruin.

"(ici-many ami her Allies have given proof ol their unconquerable, strength, and the contimiam-e of the war will not break our resistance. We are obliged to take up anus to defend justice and liberty for national evolution.

"We do not aim at shattering or annihilating our adversaries. Despite the consciousness of our military and economic strength and our readiness to continue, we propose a peace guaranteeing the existence of our honour and liberty for evolution." DECLARATIONS OF THE POWERS. OK UMAX VS PEACE ON "THE WAR MAP BASIS.” The following sets forth in brief statements made by members of the Governments of the belligerent Powers on the question of peace from the time of the pact 0 f jj 1(; Triple Entente not to declare separate peace until the refusal of th e Allies to consider the declaration of Germany in regard to peace Reign, discussed oh “the basis of the map.";

The pact of the Triple Entente, according to a statement issued by the British Foreign Office, on sth September, 1914, was as follows: —

The undersigned, duly authorised there to by (he respective Governments, hereby declare as follows: —The British, French, and Russian Governments mutually engage not to conclude peace separately during the present war. The three Governments agree that when terms of peace come to he discussed, no one of the Allies will demand terms of peace without previous agreement of each of the other Allies. In faith whereof the undersigned have signed this declaration, and have affixed there to their seals. Done iit London in triplicate, the sth dav of September, 1914.” E. GREY, PAUL CAMBON, BKCKENDORFF. All (ho other Allied Powers subsequently endorsed Ibis agreement. .V message, dated AVashington, 17th September, 1914, slated: Germany has suggested informally that the United States should undertake to elicit from Great Britain, France, and Russia, a statement of (be terms nude]’ which the Allies would make peace. The suggestion was made by the Imperial Chancellor, von Bctliinann-Hollwcg, to Ambassador Gerard, at Berlin, as the result of an enquiry sold by the American Government to learn whether Emperor William was desirous of discussing peace, as recently bad been reporled. No reply was made by Emperor William himself, nor did the Imperial Chancellor indicate whether or not he spoke on behalf of the Emperor. Ambassador Gerard, in a cable despatched to President Wilson, repeated the Chancellors remarks from recollection, substantially as follows: —“Germany was appreciative of the American Government's interest, and offer of services in trying to make peace. Germany did not want war, but bad it forced upon her. Even if she defeats Franco, she must like-wise-vanquish both Great Britain and Russia, as all three have made an agreement not to make peace except by common consent. Similarly, England has announced through Premier Asquith and her diplomatists and the newspapers that she intends to light to the limit of her endurance 1 . In view of that determination on the part of Great Gritain, the United States ought to get proposals of peace from the Allies. Germany could accept only a lasting peace, one that would make her people secure against future attacks. To accept mediation now would be interpreted by the Allies as a sign of weakness on the part,of Germany, and would be misunderstood by the German people, who, having made great sacrifices, had the right to demand guarantees of security.” President Wilson took* no action as a result of this message. THE TSAR’S DECLARATION. Presiding on -Itb September, 1915, at the first, meeting in Pelrograd of a special conference having for its object the discussion of measures to be taken for national defence, the Emperor declared that Russia would continue I lie war until complete victory had been achieved. “BRITAIN’S UNSHEATHED SWORD.” Speaking at the Guildhall, London, in November, 1914, Mr Asquith made (be following memorable doclarat ion; — “We shall never sheath the sword which we have not lightly drawn, until Belgium recovers in full measure all and more limn site has sacrificed, until France is adequately secured against the menace of agV gression, until the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe arc l placed upon an unassailable foundation, ami until the military domination of Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed.”

.Four months later. Mr Asquith repeated the same declaration. lit a speech delivered on 122nd March, 11)15, Sir Edward Grey said:

—“One essential condition of peace must he the restoration lo Kelgium of her independence and repara lion to her for the cruel wrong done to her.”

“GEIIMAX I’EACE—AX IKON

PEACE

In March of tins year the Jifitisli Foreign Minister said: —“Nobody

wants peace more- than wo want it. but wo want a peace that does justice and u peace that Tc-establisbes respect for the public Jaw o f the world. . • • The Prussian autho-

rities apparently have but one idea, of pea,ee —an .iron peace imposed on other nations by German supremacy* They do not understand that free men and free nations will rather die than submit to that ambition, and that there can be no end to the W2ir till that aim is defeated and renounced.”

“PEACE ON THE BASIS OP THE

WAR MAP."

The statements made in this interview by Sir Edward Giej elicited a direct reply from the Geiman Chancellor on 22ud May, in which he said:— “l have twice publicly stated that Germany has been and is prepared to discuss the termination of the war upon a basis that offers guarantee against further attack from a coalition of her enemies and insures peace to Europe. One thing 1 do know—only when statesmen of the warring nations come down to a basis of real facts, when they take the war situation as every war map shows it to when, with honest and sincere wd they are prepared to terminate this terrible bloodshed and are ready to discuss the war and peace problems

with one another in a practical manner, only then will wo he nearing peace.”

On 24th May, 1910, in the House of Commons, Sir Edward (trey replied to the German Chancellor. He said:—

“With our Allies, deeply as we desire to see the fruits of peace established in a. peace that shall endure and save the world from such a catastrophe as this war in future, ever again, I believe the duty of diplomacy at the present moment is to maintain, as it has completely maintained, the solidarity of the Allies, and to give the utmost support it can to the military and naval measures which are necessary, and taken by the Allies in common, to bring this war to a stage, which it has not reached yet, at which that prospect of a secure and durable peace will be made a reality.”

The second statement of the German Chancellor, given above, math 1 after the naval battle in the North Sica, reflects tin* result of that battle in its mure defiant lone. In general, he staled that Germany desired peace on “(he bn sis of the way map its it stands,” and be laid upon the .Allies the blame for coni inning hostilities.

Sir Edward Grey, on (he other hand, told the House of Commons on 21th May that all peace talk was idle, because the German people won l being “fed wiih lies." Tit substance lie said: "The Allies are not going to be beaten. The (awards peace will come when the German Governmenl begins to recognise that fuel.” Premier Briand, of France, like President Poincare, declared that lasting peace could come only through Entente victory. Air Lloyd George said that a crushing military defeat of Germany alone could ensure lasting pence.

President Wilson’s tentative proffer of American mediation, recently made in his address before the League to Enforce Peace, called forth a storm of comment both favourable and unfavourable. Strong objections to the United States as a medium for peace negotiations came alike from British and from German leaders.

GERMAN SOCIALISTS DESIRE A SPEEDY PEACE.

An interesting and important discussion of Germany’s peace conditions occurred in the Reichstag in March, 1916, precipitated by the leader of the Socialist Deputies, Herr Scheideuiann. It revealed in particularity the attitude of the iuJluential minortiy of the German nation on the question of peace. He said; “We demand that as soon as the object of ensuring the safety of (he empire shall have been realised, and as soon as our adversaries shall be inclined to make peace, the war be brought to an end by means of a peace which shall render friendly relations with our neighbours possible. . . We shall therefore resolutely oppose all those who would transform this war into a war of conquest. . , . lam the advocate of a speedy peace.”