INDUSTRIAL ANARCHY V. THE CONSTITUTION.
(To the Editor)
Sir.—ln recent issues of your invaluable journal a great coutro/eisy has been waged on the subject of the creed and the deeds of the Federation of Labour. I sympathise with the ideals of the Federation, whilst I deprecate its tactics, and this I believe will regulate any otherwise natural bias on the subject of its creed, whilst as Scott Bennett and Robert Semple are amongst the number of my friends, and as I am ignorant of the identities of your previous correspondents, I therefore claim to write without that touch of personal asperity which I regret to have seen so often displayed. In an interview with the first batch of miners who were imprisoned in Auckland, I was instructed by them to "tell Semple we will never sign the bond until we receive the order of the Federation.’’ And even there in the prison where these m£n had proved themselves to be possessed of the spirit and courage of their convictions, I felt the keenest regret that they should have so readily embraced the role of political martyrs because of a misapplied principle. For this sacrifice will prow nothing- for martyrdom to-day as of old proves strengtu o; devotion and behet : U does net elucidate the infallibility or other wise of the object ir e. The great cardinal principle underlying the British Constitution and its priveleges, with the peace, happiness and prosperity of the people—is the will ot the majority as expressed at the polls. The will or political creed of this majority, although often distorted, is the primal source ot our legislative enactments, and even though we cannot sympathise with or vindicate the laws so made, it is our duty to observe them. I am willing to admit that peculiar and exceptional circumstances may occasionally justify an individual in opposing an application of the law, but no militant “minority’’ has the right to ignore, obstruct or actively oppose the constitutional executive of a democratic nation, whilst all persons individually and collectively, whatever their political creed, position or activities in the community, have the fullest right to the protection of the law-subject to its due observance by themselves. This, of course, does not condemn the strike. Studied in “the dry light ot history’’ it may appear to have but little to commend it, but yet as a passive means for the redress of industrial grievances, it is justifiable as a moral and politic expedient, in those cases where the desired end would be worthy of the means. The Federation of Labour is revolutionary in spirit and in deed—but it is obsessed by a delusion and a snare. License is not liberty, although this is the delusive belief of anarchists, "syndicalists” and other “quick change artists.” Inspired by this spirit and belief the French people in 1791 overthrew the Bourbon Monarchy with riot, cruelty and bloodshed, and reaped a terrible retribution in the ‘reign of terror,’ the oligarchical tyranny and red ruin of the Napoleonic era, and the siege and degradation of their beloved capital by the foreign allies. The recent and present strikes and “demonstrations” fomented by the executive of the Federation are more indicative of its weakness than its strength. By such militant and revolutionary tactics it has largely forfeited the sympathy and support of the public, and 1 am of opinion that it will shortly cease to have any effective sway in the realm of industrial politics. And yet, I sympathise with the ideals of the Federation, for its ultimate objective is Socialism. This is no chimera, but the only practicable remedy for the evils of class conscience, class hatred and the suicidal devastation of class war. But there is only one proper and permanent way to bring Socialism into the sphere of practical politics and that is through the ballot box. As I formulated in a recent issue : "We must confederate all isolated and autonomous bodies, for the purpose of securing an equitable and effective representation in the Legislative Halls of the Dominion.” But organised labour must foster a spirit of tolerant equanimity, for it can never hope to rear the edifice of a nobler civilisation amidst the ruins of industrial anarchy.—l am, etc., James Geoffrey Graham. Foxtou, 3/11/12.
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Manawatu Herald, Volume XXXIV, Issue 1019, 5 November 1912, Page 3
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710INDUSTRIAL ANARCHY V. THE CONSTITUTION. Manawatu Herald, Volume XXXIV, Issue 1019, 5 November 1912, Page 3
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