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Mr Bruce at Foxton.

Mr Bruce addressed a very large meeting of the electors at the Public Hall last night. The Mayor took the chair and introduced Mr Robert Bruoe. He desired to bring attention to our local wants, pointing out the want of bridges, and that ere long there should be communication between Foxton and the Wairarapa, which would open up a largo cattle trade between the port and the West Coa6t of the other Island. Much coal was imported and more would soon be, and shippers were sure to take acK vantage of the colliers for their stock. This would be of much advantage to all the settlers both north of Palmerston and in the Wairnrapa. He had estimated that a bridge at the Shannon ferry would cost about £5000, and if the settlers were asked to find half the cost the interest would only come to some £250 a

J^_^ JM .^__j fear, and this divided between the four local bodies interested would make the expense very small in proportion to the advantages received ; so he hoped our representative would do his best to secure these things for us. He then called on Mr Bruce to speak, wh« was very well received on rising. personal. Mr Bruce referred to the reasons for his appearing as a candidate. It was decided by the settlers of the Bangitikei district and his party that he should contest Bangitikei, but owing to the alteration of boundaries he was asked to give np that electorate and contest the Manawatu, and it must be admitted it was imperative for the good of New Zealand that an alteration should be made in the Government of the colony. Why was it that the questions of Liberal and Conservative and Party Government was so forced into public notice during the last few years ? It was because the Government had traded upon the party cry, and by these cries the colony had been deluded. Prior to the passage of the Beform Bill in 1832 there were two parties, tbo Whigs and Tories, and the Whigs represented the manufacturing classes. These two classes came into conflict, and the Whigs shattered the dominant Tory party. Hence, by the passing of the Beform Bill, the name Liberal party sprang into exigence and became very dear to the people, and hence the adoption of this title amongst the people here. The people having benefited by repeal of unnecessary legislation became to believe that everything could be accomplished by legislation. The present party posed as being in the van of progress, bat to b3 in the van of progress they must be in the van of thought and no jone would agree that the Seddon Government could claim to be in that. He claimed all legislation was a necessary evil. Edmund Burke alleged that the principal function of •a Government was to put 12 good men in the jury box and give protection to life and property, meaning, leaving the administration to the people. The Government had introduced 583 Bills into Parliament during the last six years. Now it was impossible to believe that one man in the House oould realise the importance of these measures. THE REFEBENDUM he was opposed to, as supposing the land nationalisation was referred to this vote, how many were qualified to givo an intelligent vote, so he thought it was best to leave to the members, to experts in fact, the decision on these questions. ELECTIVE EXECUTIVE he was also opposed to, and he instanced what a peculiar Ministry might be elected, the result being chaos. They might have men of each party put into that Ministry, and they could not fix the response bility of one upon the whole, and if they merely elected men of one party it would be just the same as at present. . . ELECIIVE GOVEENOR he also opposed, as the Governor should be high above party so as to hold the scales fairly above all. He would admit that Go verninenfc by party was open to weakness, but he held that it was best, but it needed a strong Opposition. He would if elected await developements and would assume an attitude of watching. If he could not go as a representative he would not go as a delegate. LAND ADMINISTBATION. Mr Seddon had made a party question of land administration at this election. As to the disposal of the waste lands of the Crown. He was in favour of disposing of them as cheaply as possible «and in small holdings. For instance, if a piece of land had cost the Crown £100 he would give it at £4 a year and allow him to make it a freehold whenever he pleased. He would cut up land to put employer and labour along* side. If you allow natural laws free play large holdings must be divided, for in the Old Country the large holdings are being divided. He believed .the Government were losing 100 per cent on the Levin farm. He did not think the Government scheme of land settlement had been a success. You cannot make a successful farmer out of anybody. LAND FOR SETTLEMENT. On the acquisition of land for settlement Mr Seddon had dared his opponents to give their reasons for, differing with him. He would soppose that the land has been acquired at £5 and money had been spent in loading and granting that every farmer was successful, the estate could only come out clear. But .farmers must go down and taking the smartest man in this district and give him £50,000 to lay out in land and if you get £5 per cent would you not think he had been very successful ? There are three-fifths r of the land of the colony open for sale which showed that there was no ; necessity for such an Act. The Act* was open to grave suspicion. This' '- policy began in the South where ~ there were large estates, and estates near small towns were being urged to be purchased for the benefit of the towns. He would point out that this would be of little value to the trader as distributors would increase

as fast as the rural population. It this policy is pursued you wouldjhave a large State Tenantry, and on an election you would have pressure brought by them to get their rents reduced. Paradoxical as it might sound he would not repeal this measure until a demand came from the people for its repeal. FINANCE. The Government have grossly deceived the people on the financial ' jpjijsition of the Colony. The Govern- ! menfc came in as a non- borrowing Government and after 6 years have increased the debt by £6,000,000 though showing a credit of balance of £215,000, yet they came down with a £1,000,000 loan to fight this election with. Mr Hogg, a Government supporter, had admitted as much. The Government had said the Tories were spending money like water to fight these elections, but he could say he did not think so, he was not, but Mr Seddon had let tho cat out of the bag by saying he had spent a quarter of a million on the West Coast, and that the Tories had subsidised the papers in their behalf, but if they had which they had not, they would be doing it out of their own pock«ti, but tho Government ware subsidising newspapers in their favour at the cost of the people of the colony. In this colony finanoe and humbug were synonymous termi. Last session the Government showed a balance of £215,000; yet the Government came down for a £1,000,000 stating that £400,0000 of thig sum bad been anticipated. On the seizure of the Sinking Funds, he explained the one per cent, wai put aside for the usa of the settler, and the Government had the audacity to seize £85,000 of this fund. This was not honest finance, it is leading to a piling up of taxation, and the interest on 81st March next will be £250,000 more than when tha present Government took office. This colony was progressing no doubt, bat it was in spite of, not beoause of, this government, The figures were given by Mr Seddon to deceive. Since Mr Seddon had been in office thousands of children had been born, go that it was easy to show taxation was less per head. LABOUB LEGISLATION. The Government have posed as the friends of the poor working man. Has any working man been benefitted by their Jegislation ? There has not been a better billett for some years than that of a liberal agitator. It has been freely alleged that he was an enemy of the working man. for eight years he had been in the House and he challenged any one to point to a line that was inimical to the poor working man. He left Major Atkinson's party because be introduced a tariff which he believed was against the working man. lie appealed to the working man whether it was likely that a man who had spent his lifetime in work would act against their interest. He did not think so, but he would tell them he would not delude them. The Truck Act in his district has prevented many a poor fellow carrying his swag getting a meal. The Factories Act was an interference with our liberty. The Usury Act was thought to be of help to the poor man, but you could no more make money a value any more than you can determine ttie value of a horse by Act of Parliament!. INDUSTRIAL CONCILIATION BILL. To illustrate this Act, suppose that 20 years ago two men saved their money and to-day are capital* ists and started a flaxmill. Allow that flax is sellling at £15 a ton, and we will allow the men were paid 80a ft week and found, and suppose flux dropped £5 a ton, the wages would have to come down 20s. There would be a strike and the question would be pat to the Board, and if the Board upheld the capitalists, the men could declare they did not care but would leave. Now where is the use of this Board ? On the other hand suppose the Board told the employers they could pay these wages, the employers chose to shut down the mill, what is to prevent it ? Now where is the use of this Bill then ? BANKING LEGISLATION. In 1894 the Government brought down the Banking Bill, and it was treated as one of urgency. The Government alleged they had thoroughly investigated the position of the bank and took upon themselves the whole responsibility. The following year they asked for another £2,000,000. The crux of the question was that in 1894 they were ignorant of the state of the bank, or had grossly deceived the public, and the Government could please which horn oi the dilemma they choose. The committee of investigation was a farce. He did not desire to think the Government was guilty of corruption, but Mr Etddon by the manner he blocked investigation made it suspicious. The purchase of the Colonial Back for £75,000 showed they were guilty of so gross a blunder, that they were not entitled to confidence. He liked Mr Ward very much, and would like to see him ac« quitted of any connection with the banking matter. ASIATIC BESTBICTION. He referred to the'Asiafcic Restriction Bill, and said it had been said be wai favourable to the introduction

of Chinese. Why should ho ? He was strongly opposed to the influx of Chinese as any man could be. It was impolitic, however, to introduce an Act; to stop Chinese when tha in* flux was decreasing. We must not in any way do anything to imperil our relations with a great and friendly Power. The debates had been sent over to China and China was slowly but surely awakening to the fact that she was a great Power, and might in the near future affect; the. whole of Australasia, and why should we do anything to wound her susceptibility ? As to our fellow Indian subjects, we must remember that in India we have the material for splendid soldiers, and they are volunteering to serve in Africa in defence of our Queen and Empire. Why should we then try to keep them out ? Such views are those of a tinker and pedlar rather than those of a statesman. O NSTJMPTIVE PATIENTS. Can anything be conceived more painful than the objection to the introduction of those suffering from pulmonary consumption. Ho would be inclined to break the law to bring them to land rather than see them forced back to die on an uuhealty shore. The absentee legislation was what no one could be proud of. IMPERIAL FEDERATION. He was an ardent Imperialist. He was in favour of keeping the closest connection with the sister colonies and the Old Country. He believed the connection must be very carefully formed. Our position was likened to the story of a man and wife who were disagreeing when their attention was drawn to two cats lying peacefully together on the hearth rug, an I they were asked why they could not agree together like these ca's ? The answer came quick and pat, 4< Tie them together and you will no n see how they will fight " He therefore did not see any object t"> be gained by an Australian Federation, as long as we are under the oegis of the Imperial Empire. He would preserve our individuality under the present cir* cumstance *. PBOIHBITION. He had no secret communication with the Liquor Trade, he spoke disinterestedly; he had also nothing to do with the Temperance Party, lie was an Anti-Prohi-bitionist as he was a Liberal, and he held we had a right to oa\ drink and live as we liked. If prohibition was carried it wou'd be the first move to stop our sports and pastimes. A travelling temperance lecturer had declared that in Kansas, owing to prohibition, the prices of produce had gone up, but values in Kansas, as here must be ruled by the markets of the world. Prohibition in the State of Maine as he had seen it was not a success, there being as many s'y liquor saloons as there were licensed houses in the colony. It will be read in literature that the taste for liquor is implanted in human nature, the taste was evidence of a deep-seated {necessity, therefore is it reasonable to assume that you can alter the tastes of the people by an Act of Parliament ? These lecturers profess to show on the canvass a picture, but it is only a part of one, and a very small part. He would be in favour of teaching children in school of the evils of drink, and would agree to its strict control, but he would go no further. Mr Gladstone had said he cannot s t e his way to improve the liquor trade by Act of Parliament. He would be in favour of the Gothenburg system. He would not vote for the repeal of any Act without a demand for appeal by the people. POLITICALLY. He was a pronounced opponent of the present Government. The Government had rolled into power on the crest of the labour upheaval, and the result was Mr Seddon. They had promised to make this colony tho envy of the world. Had they done so? They had added to our. burdens, and our law-makers had been lawbreakers. They had appointed many men as magistrates who had no qualifications, and a great many which were against such appointments. The roads were lined with swaggers — but now things were made to hum in Mangaweka and other places prior to the elections. He was not a politician, but he would lay down lines for a policy. We must give pledges of security, and people must be taught to rely upon themselves — a bad Government could do much harm, a good one could only assist the energy of the people. He was Conservative so far as to hold fast to that which was good, and was a Liberal so as to secure that which was good for all classes. Ho had never made a house to house call nor ever would he ask a man for his vote. He referred to friendly feelings with other candidates. In event of his return he would ba the representative of all. LOCAL WANTS. As to local wants, he had come to the conclusion approximately that the Government should make the arterial roads and bridges as all benefitted. Referring to the Mayor's remarks about the bridges he did not expect it was possible to get any Ministry to help both, but the site should be determined by the local bodies, and then he would do his best to get what help he could from the Government. The road over the hills he considered very desirable, and very necessary, and would do his best to get it made. (Applause.) QUESTIONS. Mr Stansell — Would you be in favour of prohibiting the modern dance. Mr Bruce — I am strongly opposed to anything of the kind. Mr J. Coley — Are you in favour of the Old Men's Pension. Mr Bruce— l would point out the absurdity of the Government bringing in such a Bill without a penny of money in it at the end of laßt sesaion. I would be strongly in favour of giving everyone, over 60 years of age, a pension, to prevent them being huddled in workhouses like they are in the Old Country. I would be in favour of a sum like 10s a week being given. Mr Bay proposed a vote of thanks to Mr Bruce and Mr J. Coley seconded, whioh was carried with acclamation. A vote of thanks to the ohair brought the meeting to an end.

A

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/MH18961119.2.12

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Manawatu Herald, 19 November 1896, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,991

Mr Bruce at Foxton. Manawatu Herald, 19 November 1896, Page 2

Mr Bruce at Foxton. Manawatu Herald, 19 November 1896, Page 2

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