IMPERIAL FEDERATION.

Mataura Ensign, Volume 6, Issue 328, 5 February 1884, Page 2

IMPERIAL FEDERATION.

Britain'ji^aemics, but they would at least "'*lfe-"*s&yed from such terrible < intestine strife as that which devas- ' I tWd*l*he\ ! United States a few ygara \ % .The great desidei^tum is that -the feeling should be 4i|iiivated that r whe- , ther East or W^f^oxtti or | t^e British people are one. Britain's glory and power are ours. Our , growth and future are hers. Above ' all— " Beware of jealousy."

Among those who endeavor to forecast i the destiny of the nation there are three classes. There is the alarmist, who insists that the great mother of nations has already lost much grouud, is only a second rate power, and cannot by any possibility be rescued from an insignificant future. There are also those, equally far astray, who, proud of present foreign influence and ofpast triumphs and growth, refuse to see that the very growth of the past sets a limit to the possibilities of the future, and insist that the to-morrow of the nation shall provide for the things of itself. Between these extremes of despondency and confidence there is a third class, *o which we ourselves aspire to belong, who have all the truth that is divided between the other two. They admit the greatness of Britain and glory in it, but maintain at the same time that she and probably others, her compeers, will not a century hence be able to stand alone, in the fore-front of nations, as nations will then bei And surely there is nothing absurd in looking a century hence ; for what is a century in the life of a nation ? Patriots, therefore, of this middle party begin to cast about for some means of keeping the Britain that their children's children shall know in the. foremost place. If they had at their command the genii of the wonder* ful lamp, they would probably conjure up from the German and Atlantic Oceans a few hundred thousand square miles of fertile territory adjoining the British Isles, and, planting the Union Jack upon it, proclaim Britain's preeminence established for ever. Butj failing the lamp and the genii, is the case hopeless? We trow not. The "Union Jack is already floating, in America over territory almost equal in extent to the whole of Europe, in the South Seas over nearly as much more, and in Africa over a country as ex. tensiveas the German Empire. Why may not|;these vast territories serve our turjias well as the lamp and the genii cou^d have done 1 Many are of opinion that they both may and will. Hence thefexpresßion that stands at. the head of this article has been coined, and many of our wisest st&tegmen hppe to see | this: federation ; of the Empire. It : has iong been held— too longthat ''colonies, like fruit, only cling to the; parent. stom till they are ripe," that, infaot, it Is the nafcura] destiny of colonies to break away from their mother State, and become independent, perhaps hostile powers. The Liberal Government in Britain no doubt held that view, and , gave the" colonies to understand only too plainly tfrafe they would not be forced to remain part &i the • Empire. Lord Bbaconspield's administration net§£ for its grand and imperial projects, suoeeeded *ft turning the tide both of thought and oi action in this matter, and it is now the honest detire of tb© British people to retain the colonies not simply as foreign possessions, bu;t as members of the Empire. The scheme of Imperial Federation is one ipf gigantic proportions. It supposes Australasia ; already federated under a central Government, ag British America now is. It also supposes the several colonies and dependencies of South Africa similar!/ uiiited. The British Islands would also have one or: more local parliaments to attend &? tfre affairs that concerned those islands, but ! had no interest for America or Australia. But superior in dignity to all State or Colonial assemblies, Dominion legislatures, and English, Irish, or Scottish parliaments, would be the Supreme Imperial Senate in which all the chief centres of British people would have representatives in proportion to number and importance. This would be the grandest assembly the world has ever known. It would deal; with the foreign relations of the 'greatest of empires, and vfith , its defenpp and development. , Under! its, control an Englishman when he left his native shore wouid oofc be lost to his country, but would be of wgvo value in ike newer part of the empire than, at home, because there he would multiply faster and produce more. It is evident that the British people have a vast advantage orer all others in the matter of emigrating and therefore at multiplying. They go from their home to meet others who speak the same tongue anji love the same traditions, while the Jfrenebman or the German leaves home to be &mong strangers, to forget his mother's speech, au4 &? teagk h> children that of the foreigner aad U) live under a strange flag. These things msy fee sentiments but they have a chief part in d&C^dr ing wW shall Emigrate. Emigration again make& room for increase at home, *nd thus suppta further emigration. All this means thai; feeing the whole , empire together the increase of population will be enormous, and the growth mm oi the United States and ;of Russia ac&& not be feared, fiere may appear to b© something ridiculous in the union o£ a state like Australasia and one like Britian, but let it be reiaie?&bered that a century hence the absurdity &a(J disproportion will have disappeared, and t^at }f the union) is left till then the possibility of it may also have disappeared No doubt there would be rigks Oft Uoth sides which would have to be run fer tne sake Jof the advantage of union. Britain \ would for y^ars have to bear greab .responsibilities in ikQ way of protecting tne weaker portions of the Empire; fe^tthat would be outweighed ,by t the fact £h#4 £y.e*y year brought $bje t^me- nearer wl^a* 'bfljfclji and the'fiol©ni,es w0,u14 b,e safe fj'om war because none dajreql t.o assail a power so widespread and mighty. The colonies' would a)so have to run the ; irisk of being involved iv war wHU