SIR GEORGE GREY AT AUCKLAND.

Marlborough Daily Times, Volume II, Issue 120, 14 May 1880, Page 3

SIR GEORGE GREY AT AUCKLAND.

Auckland, May 11. Sir George Grey addressed a public meeting of the citizens of Auckland to-night, at the Theatre ltoyal. The building was crowded to errcess. On the platform were members of the General Assembly—Messrs Harris, Hamlin, Moss, Speight, Tole, and Wallis, influential numbers of citizens, and ropresentati res of public and Friendly Societies. A number of ladies were also present. Captain D. 11. McKenzie, Chairman of the central Committee, presided. On Sir George Grey making his appearance cu the platform ho was received with lond cheering. The Chairman having introduced Sir George Grey to the meeting, he commenced his address.

He said they had met that evening to consider the state of the country, and what was best for the people. He proposed to confine himself to the leading questions of the day, avoidiug petty and personal details. As inhabitants of what would yet be a great nation, it was beneath their dignity to consider matters of trifling import, in view of those questions which closely affected their highest interests, as well as those of other portions of the Empire. As the first European inhabitants of New Zealand, they would consider the platform on which was being built up laws and customs, which would affect themselves and their children’s children. The greatest production of a country was noble men aud noble women, and wbat they bad now to do was to plant such institutions as would produce nobility of character, public morality, religious feelings, and fit the citizens for this world and the next. Writers of history showed that a nation might be moulded to anything by its institutions in its earlier history. They could now mould in like manner New Zealand to whatever they liked, or in what mode they thought fit. There was great difficulty in doing so after such institutions were well grouuded, as wa3 shown in Prance in the effort to found a republic after centuries of monarchical government; but terrible as was the effects of the French rerolutioD, it paved the way for better things. The New Zealand constitution had lasted only twen-ty-sevon years, and without any adequate resistance their rulers had been permitted to sweep away one of the most perfect forms of self-goverument any country ever enjoyed. At all events, when those institutions were ta’.en away the people should have seen to it that they retained the right of self-government, instead of the quasi despotism now prevailing. He saw in one of the journals a report of a speech by Sir W. Foa—lie could not say whether it was a correct rcxiO 't or not—in which that gentleman said tho diff> -ence between Sir G. Grey’s party aud his was that he (Fox)

favored American institutions while Grey was inclined to those of France. To that statement he must give an emphatic denial. He never inclined to views thus attributed to him, and could not believe that the accusation had been seriously made. Fox was to have been the leader of his party, or Premier, after the last election. 'They would hereafter know whether he was in favor of American institutions. The President of America was elected by the people, and enjoyed a modest income. It New Zealand they had a Governor nominated by the Crown, enjoying an enormous salary. If he (the Governor) had to entertain a large number of people, or keep up a grand style of living, it was necessary, but what was the result of the system? Through that flimkeyism which seemed to -be inhcrent in human nature, every petty official or district magnate licit bound, in his degree, to imitate the Governor. Thus was brought about a reckless social extravagance which injured every one. With all due respect to the Governor and his office, ho believed that the Governor ought to be elected by themselves. The office ought to be an object of ambition to every worthy citizen, one to which lie might finally aspire. He saw no reason, for instance, but why a son of Auckland, if duly qualified should "not fill it. A nominated Governor placed power in the hands of those in office in England to damage the people of England by awarding such prizes of patronage to sycophants and dependants. In holding these views was he not holding those of American statesmen ? Their titles were unknown in America, and in England no title could be given by the Crown without the advice of a Cabinet Minister. An instance of this was given in the case of William IV., who wanted to make his son-in-law a peer when the Earl Grey Ministry was going out. When (Sir George Grey) was in office his views concerning titles oil election of governors was well known to authorities at the Colonial Office, yet communications were privately sent to Mr Fox or Mr Stafford, asking them whether they would accept titles. He knew nothing of it though head of the Colonial Government. Had the Queen, for instance, made Gladstone or other distinguished politicians peers, without reference to Beaconsfield, the people of England would have risen as one man to repsent it. This attempt to raise a landed aristocracy here had been persistently carried out for years by the party in power, and did not look much like favoring American institutions. What analogy, lie ashed, was there between the principles of the party in power with regard to political representation with those ruling on that head in America? The Liberal party in New Zealand proposed manhood su Forage. Their opponents wished to throw the whole power into the hands of property-holders, of land lessees, or occupiers. He had found the Auckland public intelligent and ready hear reason for a course of conduct, and to lean to the cause of truth. Following the principles of constitution which he had drawn up, the party in power were going to base representation upon population, but withoutdisturoingthe present reposentation of the North Island. It was absurd to partly practice the principle and partly violate it. He would implore the Auckland people, notwithstanding any temporary advantage, to repudiate such a proposal. The North would in a few years he settled by a large population, and then the balance would he restored. They had no occasion to fear the Middle Island settlers, who had no intention of wronging them. It was the large lauded owners who would do anything inimical to their interests, and he was sorry to see the jealousy of the South instilled into their minds by sections of the Public Press. He would now come to the land question. Those who where going to give them American institutions, as they said, and to trample on that Communist Grey, with his French manners, wanted those public lands for themselves. They had prevented him passing a law by which the Government would buy land of natives, the natives getting full value instead of being made drunk, or swindled, and by which law, had it passed, that land would have been sold by auction in suitable blocks, or on deferred payments, without favor or partiality. Was lie's communist in endeavoring to carry out such a measure as that? Those who were working with him desired 'to make the best land laws possible, to give every man in the community a chance of having a stake in the soil. Mr Sheehan last year, in a remarkable speech, had shown the Auckland citizens how the natives were done out of their land. He advised them to ponder over the statements made in that speech, and they could come to no other conclusion than that such an iniquitous system must come to end. Coming to financial matters, it was stated that a large deficiencey existed—-in reality it was about £SO,OOO to £90,000. There was a deficiency in the land revenue to the extent of £35,000, but the land was all there, it had not run away, nor did it cost anything for the storage. Every baby born increased its national increment, for more land would be wanted. Would a merchant, who had goods in his store, which in a short time would find sale and increase in value, consider himself bankrupt under such circumstances. The party in power made their own estimates, and he could make any deficiency appear after the fashion in which they had made theirs. It was only to sketch out a number of works—which were never intended to be made—say in Auckland, place appropriations againt them, and the thing was done ; that was no deficiency at all. But their opponents said there was no deficiency in revenue. He would refer to that hereafter. He would ask—Was there anything so bad as meanness? If a man was not so well off as people supposed him to be, and economised, that was not meanness. If he wore an old coat, but fed others, he did not consider that mean, hut it was meanness for men to draw taxation from the property of the whole people, and expend it on works which would increase the value of their own properties, to filch from the poor to make the rich wealthier. It was a robbery of every child in the Colony to increase the Customs taxation for such a purpose. He left it for the people to judge whether in acting thus those in power were following American institutions, or whether lie was a Communist. He reminded them that those who worked witli hijn were endeavoring to better this state of things. In Auckland there was some apathy, and he must say it, and, unless they bestirred themselves, it would bear its inevitable fruits. There never was a beter chance than now to make of this Colony a great nation. The first thing had been done, after some difficulty, was to give free education to every child, of a solid character, and such as would enable it to think and act properly. Their American gentleman, or so called imitators of American institutions, wanted something very different. It had been a struggle to achieve what had been done, but it was accomplished. Public schools should be fertile springs, leading to discoveries and inventions, which would yet give pre-emi-nence to the Colony. His party would ever strive to give every man a fair share iu the government of the country, and a chance to develop in its service every gift with which Providence had endowed him. In his youth he had seen that money and not

ability paved the road to preference ;he hoped never to see that system obtain m New Zealand. Turning again to the question of land, for it was a most important: one. these American gentlemen, wuo are endeavoring to arrange a system of land purchase had stopped the progress of the country for years to come. A small number of persons had got the best portions of the colony in their hands wrongfully, and irreparably as he believed. Take Canterbury, for instance, with which some of the present Ministers were connected, where unsold lauds had been declared open to all, and where a man might select and go to Chistclmrch and pay his £2 an acre and get his selection. A system of gridironing had obtained, which effectually closed, the country against small selectors, and which lie explained at length. An effort ought ta be made by law to remedy that wrong, and the injuries that had been perpetrated on individuals. There were instances in other provinces of men holding 100,000 acres of land; one capitalist bought-a large tract of land formed a company and now informed the public in offering it for sale, that they had selected it so as to prevent adjoining land being used as a run to he purchased when necessary. Such a land system led to the ownership of a class of men and to servility and pauperism such as that afflicting Ireland. lie had in his youth seen peasants flogged for standing on a field wall and turning the fox. Modern writers had laid it down as a noteworthy fact that in a new country the most idle and the most canning would acquire lands of the State unless watched. It was done by intrigue and without labor, while the tradesman was absorbed in his business, and the artizan in his toil. If they did not see to equal rights for all in purchasing public estate, tlioy would be serfs to those who held the land. Look at the Legislative Council, nominated by the Crown, and representing landed interests, and those only. Though the people had no voice in their election, yet no law could be made or altered without their consent. While he was in England he heard of laws being altered in Council and sent down to the Lower House in forms which had proved most injurious to the interests of the Colony as a whole. A Legislative Councillor could resign his scat, get elected, for a small constituency, and take his seat in the Assembly and even if they rejected the man as a representative the Governor could call that man to the Upper House, and put him in the Ministry, in spite of the people. They had no chance of getting good laws whiio such a state of things existed. What right had any class of men to get vast tracts of laud by methods which the public could not use, or to work land laws so as to obtain their own special aggrandisement ? Would the people of Auckland stand the system of gridironing here ? Then, again, a system of confidential letters had sprung up in the Government. There was no such thing in England. Could any of his audience write to the Minister of Lands treating for SO,OOO acres on terms not known to the public? Such practices as confidential letter writing would have to be stopped as Sir Robert Feel had stopped it in England. Large blocks of land were now being purchased by private parties, over which the public had valid rights. In one case they were going to allow some English gentlemen to acquire 250,000 to 300,000 acres conditionally on advances being refunded to the extent of £SOOO. He saw by the journals that it was proposed to sacrifice the education system, and impose fresh taxation through the Customs to meet financial difficulty, but sach a scheme would greatly injure the country. Under the Counties property had an immense preponderance of voting power, aud would not scruple to use it for class purposes and interests. He looked forward to such a state of tilings with apprehension. It Wag said the Constitution was 27 years old, the Legislative Council a venerable body, and that reforms must be made cautiously in the Constitution. It. Would take centuries to get their' rights if they allowed the present state of affairs to go on. The people had a right to a convention to prepare their own constitution, and to choose their own destiny. If they were in favor of the American system that was the way to do it. If ‘such remedy were not forthcoming, gross abuses, would continue' to exist. It could not be done by a compact with Ministers, a compact which you might never see, a compact which could not be' taken to a public meeting and held up to public gaze. That Govei’nment was cowardly which did not produce that compact and" proclaim it on the house-top. Unless the people roused themselves, from "the spirit of apathy, they would never- obtain full measure of national greatness. The Chinese would pour in on them and they would be insulted, forbe calleditaninsult, by having cast on their shores the dregs of French Communism. He hoped the people would rise to a sense of their duty, to themselves and to the Colony. The lion gentleman then sat down amidst loud cheers. Samuel Luke proposed, and J C Boylan seconded, the following resolution : —That the thanks of the meeting be accorded to Sir George Grey, for his able address just delivered, and that the meeting beg to reassure him of their unabated confidence in him, both as representative and leader. Carried by acelammation. Messrs Tole, Wallis, Harris, Hamlin, Speight and Swanson, being called, addressed the meeting. Wallis and Swanson got an indifferent hearing.