THE MAORI WAR,

Lake Wakatip Mail, Issue 225, 24 June 1865, Page 3

THE MAORI WAR,

Very great importance is attached to the submission tendered to Brigadier-General Carey by William Thompson, on behalf of himself and King Matutaera, and the other five influential chiefs or princes who signed the document. As all our exchanges are full of the subject, and place different values upon the submission, we purpose giving such extracts as will show the spirit of that portion of the New Zealand press which represents the views of eminent statesmen and political sections. The matter is of immense importance, and should peace be established we may be certain that the attention so long centred upon the Native Question would be next devoted to the goldfield's interests. That our position would be much benefitted by such attention, those who know the singleness of purpose displayed by the New Zealand Legislature, will at once acknowledge. Our goldfields are of a very peculiar character, and of a more lasting nature than attach to mere surface and creek claims. The permanent settlement of the mining communities upon a higher status than that hitherto accorded is.a matter that must engage attention. The goldfields will not then exist as a class interest—an anomaly in the State but as a part and parcel of the prosperity of the Colony. The submission of William Thompson, and the establishment of peace on a safe and lasting foundation is therefore a matter of the greatest moment to them, The ' Southern Cross' (Auckland) details at some length " the secret history of the document" as one of no little significance:— " After various overtures to the Government, by two native prisoners of rank, and the extension to the 4th of June of the time nations might take advantage of the Confiscation Court, Mr George Graham was commissioned to go and act as mediator. He saw Thompson and other chiefs, and had frequent conferences with them. What transpired at those interviews we do not know, nor can we say whether any promises were made to the natives by Mr Graham ; but this we do know, that that gentleman secured a valuable block of land for himself. The interpreter employed by Mr Graham was a Frenchman, whose commercial relations with the natives during the war were well known on the coast, and who had lived with Thompson's people almost exclusively since his last venture at Tauranga(Te Puna) before the commencement of hostilities there. A meeting was held at Peria, at which the terms of submission were discussed. At this meeting, William Thompson explained his views and intentions pretty plainly. He took up two sticks of equal length, and fixing them in the ground, said' This one is the King; this one is the Queen ;' then placing a third stick across the top, added,' This is the law,' meaning thereby that the King and Queen are equal, and that between them they will uphold the law. Indeed, the literal translation of the Maori carries out this idea to the full, and differs ma-

terially from the official English version. The literal translation of the 'covenant' is as follows :

'We have consented that the law of the Queen shall be a law for the King, a protection for us (•". c, us the Maoris) for ever and ever. 'The proof or sign that peace has been made is my arrival in the presence of my enemy General Carey.' Another remarkable point in this very remarkable diplomatic paper is the fact that, although the King, or Thompson on his behalf, consents to administer the Queen's laws for the protection of Maoris, he does not agree to ad minister them except for a protection. It is neithei expressed nor implied that the Maoris shall be subject to the Queen's laws; but it is expressly stipulated that the machinery of these laws shall be used to protect them, we conclude, against injury or injustice, at the hands of Europeans. Brigadier-General Carey states that Thompson acted for the King ; hence the style royal is adopted in the beginning, and the ratification is simply made in the singular number by the Royal Commissioner Thompson. All this corresponds exactly with the interpretation we have put upon what took place at Peria. The style and dignity of the King is upheld; and, by using the combination of letters' Ingiki,' iustead of 'Kiugi,' tne wiiy diplomatist got over the fatal obj action being made to the whole 'covenant,' that the title of 'King being imported, it could not be received by the Governor. We can account for this strange word coinage in no other way.

This journal argues that the document should be ** so worked" as to make Thompson appear a traitor to his countrymen—a proposal that has generally been styled foul and base,

The Canterbury * Press' takes very good ground. It says:— His (Thompson's) submission is not unconditional ; we should think much worse of him if it were. He says, "the basis on which alone peace can be maintained is this, that we have one common law." That is the key to the whole document. * * Thompson seems, to us, to know quite well what he is asking for. It is no squabble of phrases with him ; it is a matter of life and death. Will English law protect his land against the Queen's troops as it protects the land of every Englishman ? He seems to have arrived at the conclusion that it will. Is that nothing gained? Is it no step in the civilisation of the Native race that they proclaim their faith in our law ? Ministers may have deserted and Governors have deceived tbem, but they know that in the courts of law lies the true guardian of English liberty, and they claim the extension of the boon to themselves. * * The submission is valuable only for what it will lead to. It contains no engagement which will debar him from continued resistance, unless we accept the conditions he offers. Shall we then be led away by a vulgar cry, such as we see some of the Auckland writers raise, against accepting terms from Thompson ? What are his terms ? They are conditions which it would be deeply disgraceful to us—not to accept but—to refuse. They are terms, the very proposal of which, it is the highest honor to have received. It is the appeal unto Caesar—the claim to be admitted to the rights and prerogatives which are the birthright of every Englishman. Was ever peace asked for or offered on terms so honorable at once to the conqueror and the conquered? A very little wisdom may now settle our relations with the Maoris for a long time to come. A very slightly false step will mar all again. The Nelson * Examiner' thus summarises its opinions : Those who have any knowledge of Maori negotiations and treaties, will generally concur in the opinion that the paper signed by Thompson is not an acceptance of British or Colonial authority. It is ambiguous or equivocal, and before the chiefs who assent to it are allowed to return to their former settlements, the security of the Auckland outsettiers and justice to the military settlers in the Waikato, require that more substantial guarantees of peaceful intentions should be taken, and active measures begun to engage the returning natives in peaceful occupations, and to give a healthy direction to the political aspiration of these bold and energetic men. The * Press' sums up the policy to be adopted thus: — It has never been the policy of England to force her laws on her dependencies; she does not attempt to replace the Hindoo or Mahommedan law in India, by the common or statute law of England; she administers the old French law in Canada, and Dutch law in other of her colonies. But in all these cases the English law has a modifying influence. For example, where there still remains a strong tribal organisation, with a real authority in the chiefs, which stands in the place of a governing power, in such cases it will be wise to deal with it as a part of the provincial system of our New Zealand Government—in short, to make Maori provinces.