The Lyttelton Times. SATURDAY, JAN. 7, 1882.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LVII, Issue 6510, 7 January 1882, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. SATURDAY, JAN. 7, 1882.

The German Imperial Parliament is, to English eyes at least, a strangelyconstituted body. We have always known, through oar experience of the British House of Commons, that two great political parties will often cover and admit of several sub-divisions. The Conservatives who follow Sir Stafford Northcote are with tolerable ease to be distinguishable from the primsoval .Tories, who look upon the Marquis of, Salisbury as their chosen prophet. Under Mr Gladstone's banner the distance is wide between Whigs of the Gosohen Btamp on the one side, and the Radicals on the other, who read the F&rtnigJUhj Review with attention, and Mr Chamberlain's speeches with reverence. Still, every member of the House calls himself broadly either Conservative or Liberal, and, what is more, the title at once carries a definite meaning to the ears of those who hear it. Bat in Germany the niceties of political nomenclature are muoh more complex. The Parliament is broken up into more sections than we have space to name. Of the three great parties —the Bight, the Centre, and the Liberals, the second alone may be regarded as thoroughly united. But then it is the smallest of the three. Its unity is derived from that great source of solidarity, persecution, for the Centre party consists of the Catholics of Germany. It is not a little suggestive that these who were a few years .since the object of the joint attack of all parties in Germany, should now hold the balance of power in their hands. Yet so it is; and the result is a ourious comment on the wisdom of an attempt by even the most powerful otatesman to crush any particular denomination by straining the principles of toleration to their detriment. There is a kind of poetic justice, not unpleasing to those who think complete freedom of conscience the most precious of human gifts, in the sight of Prince Bismarck driven to rely on the Catholics for the power to enable him even to hold his own in Parliament, for so much oan they give him and no more. If this be the sequel of Falk Laws—the great Kulturkampf •—the moral of such polioies stands written too plainly for there to be need to dwell upon it. Two of Prince Bismarck's most characteristic Btrokes of policy have been his encouragement of the Jews to harass the Catholics, and his more recent apathy while .the Catholicß have had their revenge upon the Jewß. The manoeuvres have so far profited him that while the wealth, ability, and energy of the Hebrews are always to be found in the forefront of his adversaries, he is compelled to make some rather tardy stops in the direction of retraotion and con•cessions', in order to Becure what at best is the not very enthusiastic support of his old enemies, tho Ultramontanes. The reoent elections have made the Chancellor's position more troublesome than ever. Formerly he could hope, with the strong, support of bis own section, the Bight, helped by a certain amount of lukewarm assistance from the Centre, to hold the Liberals pretty cheaply, and carry out his peouliar theories of government to his own satisfaction. Tho day for this seems

almoat gone. M every vote of the Bight and Centre were given for him, the Prince, it is estimated, would command but a bare bait of tho new Chamber. It is true that among the many fraotiona of the Liberals is ono upon whom he was wont in great crisis to eonnt with confidence. This consists of tho National Liberals, men who consider that the Chancellor's foreign policy, and his successful unification of Germany, cover a multitude of sins, and entitle him to the eternal gratitude of all good Germans. Unfortunately this party has suffered heavily in the late contest. Tho Nationals have been much more than decimated, and their assistance, involving as it would, the alienation of the Catholics, would be worth rather less than nothing. It seems to be generally thought that the Prince, aided on most occasions by the Centre, will be just about able to carry on the Government and no more. His favourite schemes, such as the granting of huge tobacco monopolies as a means of revenue; the establishment of a system of National Insurance; and the perfecting of a system of Centralism for Germany, will have to remain in abeyance. Surely, this is not a very hopeful outcome of ten years of the system that was to turn all Germany into a well ordered school, or rather parade-ground. Are the Teutons going at last to revolt against the bureaucrat and the drill-sergeant P If so, it will be a hopeful sign for European freedom and civilisation.

The reason assigned for Prince Bis < marck'a continuance in power is not so much his own strength, as the weakness, or rather the divided state of his opponents. These, besides the half-friendly Nationals already spoken of, consist of the Progressists, the Secessionists, the Particularists, the Poles, the Alsatians, the Guelphs, and last, but not least, the Socialists. To illustrate the breadth of the gulf lying between some of these sections, we may point to the Nationals, whose watchword is the unity of the Empire, the Particnlarists, who are a speoies allied to our New Zealand Provincialists, and the Guelphs, who represent the extinct principalities absorbed by Prussia in 1866. All agree in opposition to Bismarck, but, whether because his presence in office has become almost a matter of Teutonic faith, or whether because, as with most Continental Oppositions, they look rather to men than measures, certain it is, that tbey seem hardly prepared to succeed him. They have no ene leader of recognised preeminence, and this want, supplementing the lack of a common creed, is apt to be fatal. Yet, perhaps better days are in store for German Liberals. Hitherto they have been crushed under the authority and success of the Conservatives, the splendour of whose Foreign policy made opposition appear at one time almost equivalent to a lack of patriotism. But Sadowa, Sedan, and Versailles, are beginning to take their place among the memories of the past. A new generation is growing up who do not see why the mis-government of Germany at Home should be a necessary price to pay for her greatness abroad. Never before, say the experienced, have popular leaders been anything like so outspoken and fervid as daring the last elections. Certainly never have they been so successful. The Ministerial party did not lose the campaign for want of hard fighting. The populace of the towns were honnded on to assail the Jews, and the boors in the rural districts were regaled with food and endless beer by many of the great proprietors. But neither these Teutonic substitutes for the partem et circenses of classio days, nor the desperate efforts made to hold out the hand of conciliation to Catholics and Socialists alike, were successful. The Liberals command a clear half of the new Chamber, and the magic of blood and iron charms no more. The latest resort of the Chancellor has been to raise a panic on the subject of Socialism. This, however, has been disposed of by the electoral registers, which show that, although many Socialist candidates have slipped in for constituencies where votes have been split, yet the total Socialist vote is less by almost one-half than that given at the elections of 1878. Whether anything immediately decisive will come out of the strife of the many parties indicated above, it is almost impossible for a foreigner to predict. Bismarck's condition seems akin to that of the hobbled horse, who can move, but is liable to be pulled up short at any moment. Or we may compare the condition of things to the famous scenic effect in the " Critic," where Mr Puff had all his characters at a deadlook " for every one of them is afraid to let go first."