Extracts.

Lyttelton Times, Volume XI, Issue 687, 8 June 1859, Page 3

Extracts.

THE INJURED INNOCENT OF EpROPE

(From the ' Saturday Review,' March 12.)

There are few social characters more interesting than that of the femme incomprise. She ib the gem of purest' ray serene which the dark linfathomed caves of society bear—the, flower that wastes its sweetness on the desert air—the sparrow on the housetop—the pelican in the wilderness— _the owl in the ivy-bush. Her hopeless love, like that of Don Whiskerandos, finds comfort in despair. Her meat is the yearning after the Truthful and the Beautiful, and imperial quarts of salt tears are her only drink. We all know the type. She is a character not altogether undiverting, provided only it is not your doom to live with her; for it is not altogether- impossible that, after she has exhausted upon you her unrequited passion, she may impress upon you a sense of her wrongs with her nails. It happens that Europe at large is just now in the unpleasant position of having to do with a femme incomprise on a very gigantic scale, disguised in the character of an Emperor whose misfortune it is to be perpetually misunderstood. It is a law of dramatic propriety, that the most desolate of heroines should never be without a confidante, for otherwise a great deal of the most picturesque despair might be lost to the world for want of an object in whose sympathising bosom it might be fitly deposited. The injured innocent of France is not denied this supreme solace of souls which dream, only of the interests of " humanity, civilization," and those other precise and definite objects which belong to the repertory of ill used personages of this description. He finds in Sir Francis Head a " French Stick," ready fagotted, through whom he may speak in a stage whisper to the galleries, the boxes, and the pit of Europe. If Louis Napoleon sighs over the ingratitude of mankind in purple, it is quite the thing that the knightly confidante should rain tears of indignation in plush. Our hearts melt as we see these two forlorn creatures confiding to one another before the eyes of Europe their reciprocated griefs. Who can hear without .emotion that his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the French " finds himself misunderstood and misjudged by those whom he values the most?" That the gentlemen who are enjoying the cool breezes of Cayenne and the agreeable climate of Lambessa should take a partial view of his character, he can comprehend. But that " the English should attack him incessantly in the journals in the most unworthy and most unjust manner"—rthat passes his belief. He has always entertained a great admiration for the liberties of the English people;"' but he " regrets deeply that liberty, like all good things, should also have its excess." \ Why is it, he asks, with touching and reproachful earnestness, that " instead of making truth known, liberty uses every effort to obscure it P Why is it that, instead of encouraging and developing generous sentiments, it propagates mistrust and hatred?"

Why, indeed? Unfortunate Emperor! Most reprehensible liberty! Of course there is some black designing monster who is the author of all this evil. The drama would not be complete without some perfidious scheming villain, who is perpetually meditatingthe ruin of so much innocence and virtue. It is all the doing of the English press. It is we who are the stock villains of this melancholy tale of innocence betrayed and virtue traduced. Well, we won't stop to argue that point just now. But it appears that there are other places in which liberty can hardly be said to be in excess, where similar " efforts are made to obscure truth." We learn, on the questionable authority of the 'Moniteur' that " public opinion in foreign countries does not clearly understand the present regime of the press in Prance:" We thought, indeed,, that the recent circular of M. Delange to the prefeks of the departments had given us some general notion on the subject. However it seems we are mistaken. " The administration, it ought to be known, has no pre: ventive'action as regards the press "—a statement on which we shall only remark that it deserves to be classed with those announcements which occasionally appear under the heading of "important if true." But it appears that the Emperor has- cause io " regret that liberty, like all good things, should have its excess " (little as we would suppose it) even in the heart of his own dominions, and under his own mild and temperate rule. For there, too, we are told that " public- opinion is now more than ever taken unawares and misled " by the exaggerations of a press which indulges in " pure imagination, falsehood and delirium." It is the Press of France, it seems, which is the author of "those; general accusations which malevolenceinvents, which credulity hawks about, and which stupidity accepts." There, too, liberty in excess "spreads from one end of Europe to the other rumours representing everywhere to public credulity the Eihperor of the French as exciting to war, and throwing on him alone the responsibility of the disquietudes and warlike preparation of Europe." Oh, monstrous wickedness! Most unjustifiable and licentious Press of France. Where then shall truth be. found amid all these " manoeuvres of falsehood ? " . Apparently nowhere in the world but in the 'Moniteur,' and the breast of Sir Francis Head. The latter assures us that it is only in the " calm and magnanimous sentiments of the Emperor Napoleon 111., now at the head of half-a-million of soldiers," that we can look for " the blessings of that peace that passeth all understanding." The * Moniteur,' too, "guided by the sole love of truth," "indicates to us the real thoughts, duties, and tendencies of the Emperor." It has, indeed, been^ malignantly asserted^ that France is; making considerable warlike preparations. " This is a completely gratuitous imputation. The artillery, it is true, is purchasing 4000 horses " to attain the regulation limits;" But it is culpably forgotten " that we have to change all bur artillery, and to transform our entire fleet." "Uneasiness is felt at the preparations of;our navy; but the frigates; are fitted out for Algeria, the transports are prp-j videdfor different eventualities—they are intended for Civita Vecchia and Cochin China." " Such; are the facts, and they should fully reassure sincere men as to the projects ascribed to the Emperor, and lead them to treat as they deserve the allegations of those who are interested in casting doubts on the most unobjectionable measures and' clouding the clearest situation ? Can anything be' more satisfactory ? Yet, in spite of it all, who believes a single word—we don't mean of the drivel of poor simple silly Sir Francis Head—but of the composition of the " sincere men" who do the reassurance business for the'Moniteur ?'

We do not say a word about the "journals," which, of course, are always incorrigibly malevolent. But we ask in what quarter do these representations meet with credit or confidence ? Sardinia: is not hostile to France. Does she believe in the peaceful intentions of Louis Napoleon ? If so, why is she equipping an army which can never enter the field except as a division of a French force ? Austria has never been accused of "liberty in excess." Does she credit the pacific assurances of the ' Moniteur ?' Witness her Italian reinforcements and her voluntary loan ? Prussia is a neutral power. She has no interest in " casting doubts on the most unobjectionable measures, or clouding the clearest situation." Why does she appeal to the faith of treaties ? Against what breaker of treaties is her remonstrance directed ? Lastly, we come to England. We don't. talk of the muchabijised English pross, but we ask what is the conduct of Che English Government ? What is the universal feeling of the English nation ? Why is it that our navy estimates are increased P What

disquietude and anxiety is it that causes our dockyards to bo at work day and night? Against whom is it that wo are manning our ships and rifling our guns ? Docs England believe in the ' Moniteur ?' Were we not right in saying that Louis Napoleon is the femme incomprise of Europe ? He is understood by no living soul but Sir Francis Head. In him alone has he " found a defender." In every Court and every nation of Europe he is treated with " the most unjust and unworthy suspicion." He finds to his .surprise that the most vehement protestations of a man who (as the ' Moniteur' informs us) " is well known to keep his word," are universally disregarded by all who have not forgotten that his throne was founded on peijury, and his power bottomed in fraud. What, then, is the moral to be drawn from the present position of European affairs ? We have found Guy Faux among the powder barrels—-the train is laid before our eyes upon the ground—the lighted match is in his hands. He may make what pretences he pleases, but the plot is discovered—we cannot say whether the catastrophe is averted. He has it still in his power to bury his own throne in the ashes of a European conflagration. The articles in the' Moniteur,' and the resignation of his bellicose and intractable cousin, may be indications that he trembles on the brink of the precipice he has dug for himself; but it is not safe to calculate on the compulsory good faith of the author of the coup d' itat. ForJEhgland and for Europe there is but one road of safety—one hope of peace. We have seen sufficiently what are the fruits of timidity, adulation, and concession. The policy of the empire is instinct with the spirit of the bully—it tramples on the submissive and retires from the brave. While Europe is united against the aggression of the common enemy, peace may still be possible, for it is certain that he only waits for symptoms of dissension to strike the blow which is delayed by nothing but his fears. For our part, we regard the return to a sounder policy and a more manly spirit on the part of England with a sincere and solid satisfaction. On this subject we have felt deeply and thought too long to admit the possibility of any reserve or hesitation. We have insisted upon every occasion, with the earnestness dictated by profound conviction, on the inevitable danger which must ensue from the hollow, disingenuous, and cowardly spirit which, under the fallacious pretext of fostering the French alliance, has governed the conduct and. language of certain English politicians since the close of the Russian war. We have maintained throughout that, in compromising the independence of English policy, these statesmen—if such they deserve to be called—were ruining the legitimate and salutary influence of England, and thereby periling the peace of Europe. So satisfied were we of the fatal consequences with which this shortsighted timidity was pregnant, that in any case and at all hazards we should have persisted in pressing on the public mind warnings against a danger which might have been delayed, but which we knew to be inevitable. We did not require the striking and irrefragable demonstration which the events of the last twelve months have supplied of the rottenness of the policy which we have never ceased to assail, and of the truth of the principles for which we have pertinaciously contended.