PARLIAMENTARY AND POLITICAL.

Lyttelton Times, Volume XI, Issue 684, 28 May 1859, Page 3

PARLIAMENTARY AND POLITICAL.

Queen Victoria opened the session of 1859 in person on the 3rd of February. The weather was clear and cold. Crowds lined the route from Buckingham Palace to St. Stephen's, and her Majesty was everywhere received with acclamations; At shortly after 12 o'clock, the peeresses, and those who were so fortunate as to secure seats in the galleries, began to assemble in the House of Lords; and by half-past one the grand room was crowded by one of the most distinguished assemblages that has ever been convened here. The peers In their robes of white and crimson, the bishops in their vestments, and the judges in their wigs and gowns, were on the floor of the House, while the peeresses occupied the seats which rise pyramidally on either side—a small space only being reserved for the diplomatic corps. The clear sunlight was softly diffused over the, concourse by the stained glass of the windows, and added to the beauty and harmony of the gorgeous dresses of the ladies, revealing in many places mid the sea of splendid female costume and faces the liquid light of the diamond. The scene from an elevated point was magnificent ; and one of the finest effects was produced by the graceful and exquisite head-dresses of the peeresses. . From niches in the elaborately era-. bellished walls, the mediaeval statues of the barons of Magna Charta seemed to look down with gratified pride upon their assembled descendants. Stillness, save the low murmur of rustling dresses and partially suppressed whispers, prevailed. Where there were so many distinguished persons it would be unwise to particularise. At about 20 minutes past' 2, a burst of distant martial music announced the approach of her Majesty, and in a short: time she entered the room preceded by the great officers of state, bearing their emblems of office, the whole coni course standing, andwas conducted to the throne.

After she had taken her seat; she commanded the Lords in a clear tone, of voice to he seated, and the entire lassembly qbeyed. Her Majesty then signified, her readiness to receive the Members of the House of Commons, and in a short time they assembled in her presence. , When silence was restored, her Majesty read her. j speech in a sweet, clear, and remarkably distinct tone of voice. Every word was enunciated so as to be heard by all present; and the concourse listened with; profound attention. The diplomatic corps were evidently much interested; each of its members seemed absorbed in her Majesty's words, as if ready to catch the slightest reference to their own country, and when the speech was finished many of them breathed freer than during its reading. The speech; was as follows:— .My Lords and Gentlemen,— ..•■•■. In recurring, at the usual season, to the advice of my Parliament, I am happy to think that, in the internal state of the country, there is nothing to" excite disquietude, and much to call for.satisfaction andthankfulness. I'auperism and crime have considerably diminished during the past year; and a spirit of general contentment prevails. The blessing of the Almighty on the valour of my troops in India, and on the skill of their commanders, has enabled me to inflict signal chastise- ! ment upon those who are; still in arms against my authority, Avhenever they have ventured to encounter my forces; and I trust that, at no distant period, I may be able to announce to you tlie complete pacification of that great empire, and to devote my attention to the improvement of its condition, and to the obliteration of all traces of the present unhappy conflict. On assuming, by your advice, the direct Government of that portion of my dominions, I deemed it proper to make known by proclamation the principles by which it was my intention to he guided, and the clemency which I was disposed to show to: wards those who might have been seduced into revolt,- but who might be willing to return to their allegiance. I have directed that a copy of that proclamation should be laid before you. I receive from all Foreign Powers assurances of their friendly feelings. To cultivate and confirm those feelings, to maintain inviolate the faith of Public Treaties, and to contribute, as far as my influence can extend, to the preservation of the general peace, are the objects of my unceasing solicitude. ' I have concluded, with the Sovereigns who were parties to the Treaty of Paris of 1856, a Convention relative to the organization of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. Those Roman provinces are now proceeding to establish, under its provisions, their new form of Government. A treaty of Commerce which I have concluded with the Emperor of Russia, and which will be laid before you, is a satisfactory indication- of the complete re-establishment of those amicable relations which, until the late unfortunate interruption, had long subsisted between us, to the mutual advantage of our respective dominions. The measures which, in concert with my ally the Emperor of the French, I thought it necessary to take upon the coast of China, have resulted in a treaty, by which further effusion of blood has been prevented; and which holds out the prospect of; greatly-increased intercourse with that extensive and densely-peopled Empire. Another Treaty, into which 1 have entered with the Emperor of Japan, opens a fresh field for enterprise in a populous and highly civilised country which has hitherto been jealously guarded against the intrusion of foreigners. As soon as the ratification of ;these Treaties shall have been exchanged, they will be laid before you. I have great satis- ; faction in announcing to you that ithe Emperor of: the French has abolished a system of negro emigration from the East Coast.of Africa, against which, as unavoidably tending, however guarded, to the encouragement of the Slave Trade, my Government has never ceased to address to His Imperial Majesty its most earnest, but friendly, representations. ' This wise act on the part.of His Imperial Miyesty induces me to hope that negotiations, now in progress at Paris, may tend to the total; abandonment: of the system, and to the substitution of a duly regulated supply of substantially free labour. The state of the Republic of Mexico, distracted by civil.war, has induced me to carry forbearance to its utmost limits, in regard to wrongs and indigni - ties to which British residents have been subjected at the hands of the two contending parties. They have at length been carried to suchran extent that I have been compelled to give instructions to the Commander of my Naval Forces in those seas to demand, and if necessary to enforce, due reparation.' Gentlemen of the House op Commons,— I have directed that the estimates for the ensuing year shall be submitted; to you. They have been framed with a due regard to economy, and to the efficiency of the Public Service. The universal introduction of steam-power into; naval warfare will render necessary a temporary increase of expenditure in providing for the 'reconstruction of the British Navy; but lam persuaded; that you will cheerfully vote whatever sums you may find to be requisite for an object of such vital importance as the maintenance of the maritime power of the country. • 'My Lords and Gentlemen,— Your labours have, in-recent Sessions, been usefully directed to various measures of legal and social improvement. In the belief that further measures of a similar character may be wisely and beneficially introduced, I have desired that Bills may be submitted to you without delay, for assirni-; lating and amending the laws relating to Bank-; ruptcy and Insolvency; for bringing together into; one set of Statutes, in a classified form and with such modifications as expedience will suggest to; you, the laws relating to crimes and offences in England and Ireland;;for enabling the owners of land in England to obtain for themselves an indefeasible title to their estates and interests, and for registering such titles with simplicity and security. Your attention will be called to the state of the laws which regulate the representation of the people in parliament, and I cannot, doubt but that you will give to .this, great stibject a degree of calm and impartial consideration, proportioned to the magnitude of the interests involved in the result of your discussions. These and other propositions for the amendment of the laws, which will be brought tinder your notice as the progress of public business may permit, I commend to the exercise of your deliberate judgment; and I earnestly pray that your counsels may -be so .guided as to insure the stability of the throne, the maintenance and improvement of:our institutions, jind the general welfare and happiness of niy people. ; ,'".''

On the 3rd February, the address in reply to the Queen's speech was agreed to. The question of raising a loan of £7,000,000 in, the United Kingdom'for the service of the East Indian Government was considered on the 18 th February, when a resolution, on which Lord Stanley would found a bill authorising the loan, was agreed to. On the 4th of March Lord A. Churchill called the attention of the House to the inadequate protection afforded to the Australian and Now Zealand Colonies through the smallness of the naval force at present stationed there. Sir J_, Pakiugton stated that since his suceeding to the Admiralty particular attention had been paid to the subject. The Australian station'would for the future be made a separate command. Mr. Bright denounced the principle of extending naval and military establishments, for the protection of the colonies at the expense of the mother country. Sir E. B. Lytton said that the principle of contribution by the colonies had already been enforced. Mr. IV. Lowe spoke strongly in favour of providing. defences for the harbours and trade. The.subject then dropped. _ " i The following, extracts from the'most important debates give the remainder of the parliamentary .news;T- •■• "" ': ' : : ■ THE STATE OP EUROPE. We stated in our last that Lord Talmerston had given notice of an interpellation with reference to the critical aspect of affairs on the continent for the 25th of- Februrary. On that day the House was crowded to excess to hear the debate, which, it was expected, would-be raised by the question, Lord

IPalmerston spoke with all his usual animation .of I style, almost more than his usual-point.; but in a ! spirit so elevated above party that he did not need ■ the .'disclaimer', of factious feeling -with- which:'he ! started. He did not blame Ministers for not yolun- ! teering information, but he asked it in the interests|of commerce—commercial men not knowing what :to do. : Everywhere there are signs of; war in the : spring and summer—govenfments arming-, stores | preparing, cannons casting—what is it nil 1 about ? Has one,government given,an: affront-to.. I another, involving honour and dignity on both sides? !"I am not aware of any such cause." No; there is ! no ground of difference that can justify an appeal to ' arms. No power can wish to set aside the treaties of 1815; not Erance, whom they left a great naval I and military power; not Sardinia, who holds territories' under them; not Austria—the treaties are | her title-deeds. Obviously ancient jealousies be;'tween Prance and Austria have been, brought into ; activity by the joint occupation of the Roman States, andthe remedy is simultaneous retirement from that occupation. Austria may hesitate in fear that a revolution would ensue; a very bad reason. Instead .of putting out your neighbour's, fire, look to your, own house. It is said that every Roman soldier is against the Roman government, and that even the Swiss would desert—but that is the greatest condemnation that could be cast on the Roman, government. Is it essential for the head of a large section, of the Christian religion to have two or three generations kept in political martyrdom? Reform the temporal government of Rome; modify the treaties which authorise Austria to interfere with the Italian States; let the powers concur in reforms for Italy, and save Europe the calamities of war.—Mr. Disraeli accepted, and reciprocated Lord Palmfirston's disclaimers of faction, his views as to the maintenance of treaties, his description of the preparations. But the British Government has not been idle—'f I have the satisfaction of informing the noble lord and the House that -we have received communications which give us grounds for believing that both Austria and France will evacuate the Roman States—(loud cheers)—with the concurrence of the Papal government. Under these circumstances Lord Cowley—in whom her Majesty's Government have every confidence—has beensent to Vienna on a confidential mission. I cannot inform the house of the precise character of that mission, but I can say that it is a mission of peace."—Lord John Russell expressed his satisfaction with the explanations which had been given, and hoped a friendly spirit upon the subject would prevail.—[ln^eply to the Bishop of Oxford, the. Earl of Malmesbury made a similar statement in the House of Lords.]

THE GOVERNMENT KEFORM BILL. ' Mr. Disraeli [Feb. 28] moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the representation of the people of England and Wales. He expounded in an elaborate speech the provisions of the bill, of which the following is a comprehensive outline:^Tlie bill proceeds upon a plan of systematising "existing franchises, partially disfranchising the most questionable of constituencies, actually disfranchising no district and no person, but modifying the aggregate constituency by the introduction of new franchise elements, and generally touching up and improving. Thus the staple franchise of counties, the £50 tenancy, is to be reduced to a level with the borough franchise of £10. The boundaries'of boroughs are to be enlarged; the 40s. freeholders acquiring a franchise, in that name, for their own district, but losing it for the county. Polling places are to'be multiplied, the right of paying carriage is to be abolished, and voting papers are to be introduced for.all who wish them—a provision which is expected to draw out the quiet and the home-keeping, while it will facilitate the exercise of the vote for those who live at a distance. .Fifteen of the smallest ' boroughs lose one member each; the seats thus set free being allotted to some of the largest of the new boroughs* such as Birkenhead or Gravesend, or to i new divisions of the largest counties, such as Yorkshire. Although there is no reduction in. the standard of the borough franchise, nor any enfranchisement of one of the''great classes of society, a number of persons belonging to various bodies are endowed with the suffrage, in such manner as to .bring : out something like an extended representation for society at large—small freeholders in boroughs, and copyholders; holders of stock in Consols, .IndiaHouse, and Bank of England; pensioners in army,. navy, or East India service; savings-bank depositors, graduates of all universities, priests and deacons of the Established Church, and officiating ministers of any congregations j barristers, attorneys, solicitors,; proctors, physicians, surgeons, and schoolmasters, wherever such professional persons are distinctly recognised as belonging to the public bodies of their profession. ' : ■'"- >

A number of members briefly expressed their opinions. Mr. John Locke said that Mr. Disraeli had dealt with the question as if it affected the counties only.—Mr. W. J. "Fox objected that the bill did nothing for the working classes.—Lord J, Russell strongly objected to the disfranehisement of from 90,000 to 100,000 freeholders who have enjoyed the right of voting 400 years. "It is a perilous innovation." Lord John had resisted such a proposal in 1832, and had told Lord Grey that if the bill came from the House of Lords -with such an amendment,' he would risk the fate of the whole bill on its rejection. Then the bill does little or nothing for the' working classes. If the bill is to give satisfaction; some hundreds of thousands of working- people ought to be admitted to the franchise: Unless you are prepared to make a more effectual change, better niake no change.at all.-^Mr. Roebuck defined the bill as a change that would lead to a worse state of things. The object of the bill is to enhance the power of the landed gentry. It does not give one iota of power to the working classes.—Mr. Bright said a Government representing a party who have always opposed the extension of political power to the popple, ought not to have undertaken to settle this question. Nobody asked them to do. so. -v Their party would have preferred that they should "not bring in any bill at all. Mr. Bright look exception to a great man y: points, but especial!}'- to the .total exclusion of the working classes\frbm power.—Mr. 'Henry Drummoiid madu an. attack' on Reform; Bills in general.—Lord Pp Imerston reserved his opinion.—After, a set of frank objections from Mr. Cronsley,, and an attack upon the Reform. Bill of 1832 from Mr.'Bentinek, Mr. Disraeli replied. Leave was given to introduce the bill; and the second reading was fixed for March 21.

Mr. Miles [March 10] said—l beg to give notice that in the committee; on the, Reform Bill—(:i laugh) —I propose to introduce a clause' retaining the .rightV of freeholders in cities and boroughs to vote for cbuhtiesy provided that they continue to hold those/freeholds'-and be upon the■"registerof 1353-59. Lord J. Russell—l beg to give notice that on the motion for the second reading of the Government Reform Bill 1 shall' move.as a resolution' " That this House .is of opinion that; it is neither just nor politic to interfere in the manner proposed by this bill with the freehold franchise as hitherto exercised in counties in England titid Wales ; and that no readjustment of the franchise will; satisfy this House or the country which does not provide for a greater extension of the suffrage in cities and boroughs than is contemplated in the present measure." (Cbjsers.) Mr. A. Mills gave notice tlmt'in'committee he would in Clause 1 move 'words saving the rights of existing county freeholders within the limit-3. of boroughs, and negativing so mucli of the clause as would permit non-resident freeholders to vote for boroughs. ■ The Chancellor of the Exchequer—lt is not the intention of the government to propose the disfranchisement of any borough freeholders, whether they' exercise the right of voting in hundreds within, the limits of Parliamentary boroughs or not. One of the principles of the measure introduced the:, other night is, that-no place and no person shall be disfranchised. The subject is under the consideration of the Government, and I intend to place clauses on the table by which I trust we shall reconcile the main principle of the measure, which is the identity of the suffrage between counties and boroughs, with the recognised rights of the freehplders within. the limits of parliamentary boroughs. (Hear, hear.) I shall propose clauses with this object when we go into committee, and I will lay those clauses on the table before the second reading of the bill. (Hear,----i hear.) ' \ ■ ■ '

Mr. Wyld gave notice that he would move as an addition to the resolution of the' noble lord the member for the city of London, that in all elections for members of Parliament the vote shall be taken by ballot. Lord A. V. Tempest gave notice of his intention to move in committee upon this bill some amendments for the purpose of extending the franchise, the effect of the amendment being as follows:— ." That any person who shall have held in a savingsbank or.any other legally constituted bank for four years a deposit of not less at any time than £5, and whose deposit shall have averaged £20 during the four years, and also every member of a friendly society, should be entitled to the franchise; that any person who held a commission in any branch of her Majesty's naval or land forces should be likewise entitled to the franchise; but that the exercise of these franchises should be subject to the provi- • sions in the Reform Act as to residence. That any person of full age and not under legal incapacity, who should have resided two years in the same locality, and have received a certificate from a certificated schoolmaster that he had passed an examination similar- to that required from messengers, and attended some place of religious worship (laughter), he should be entitled to the franchise." Mr. H. Berkeley gave notice that, in the event of the success of the amendment to be proposed by Lord J. Russell on the second reading of the Reform Bill, he should take the earliest opportunity of bringing forward the question of the ballot. (" Hear, hear," ; and laughter.) The ' Home News' says,—The Indian Bill has been the occasion of some discussion on the subject of Indian finance. There have been manifestations of an uneasy feeling respecting the future liability of England to make good the deficiencies of the Indian revenue. Sir G. C. Lewis, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, took occasion on the second reading of the bill to caution Parliament against supposing that the late-alteration in the form of government implied, or entailed; any alteration in the, financial management of India, or imposed any new obligations on the Imperial Exchequer. He maintained that the separation of the financial ! responsibilities of India and England was as com- i plete and entire now as before the passing of the bill of last year, and that it ought to be kept so. Mr. Bright went further. He condemned the whole system, past and present, saw nothing in the financial state and prospects of India but a constantly increasing deficit, protested against saddling the Imperial Exchequer with this ruinous ! drain, insisted that the recent change in the i | administration of India was a change in name only, scarcely one of form, and none of principle, and declared that nothing less would meet the difficulties of the case than a total reconstruction of the whole Indian . government, local and Imperial. These are extreme opinions; but they are taking a definite shape amongst that class of politicians who look mainly to the maintenance of economy and peace, and who are ready to make large sacrifices to secure tranquility and a reduction of taxes. It is true that the India Bill was carried on the understanding that India should defray its own charges out of . its own revenues, and that no part of the burthen of its establishments should be thrown upon the people of this country; but it is also true that, having' dispossessed native princes and entered upon the .government of their territories, having long exercised sovereign rights over the presidencies, and having within twelve months formally proclaimed the Queen's authority over the whole length and breadth of British India, we are not in a position to retreat from any legitimate consequences which these engagements may bring upon us. To say that, when matters come to this extremity, the choice, lies between abandoning India and paying her debt, is _ simply" to assert that an emergency may. arise when it will be ■competent to us to act with dishonour. Yet this is really the language which is held by the Eadical economists.. "We tell the Indian fundholders plainly," says the' Star,' the organ of Mr. Bright's party, "that the people of this country will not bear to be taxed, ostensibly to keep India, but .really to support the private interests that prey upon it. We are quite prepared for the alternative of quitting the country." We notice these views, not because we attach any ultimate importance to them, but because it is impossible to foresee the extent to which they may be brought to influence public opinion, by the use that may be made of them to promote party objects. India is now a parliamentary question, and liable, like all other "parliamentary questions, to b3 made the scapegoat of contending factions. It is not improbable that at the next general election this matter of .financial responsibility, exaggerated by the usual appeals to,* the sympathies of the 'already overtaxed' working classes, Will be made a popular test at the hustings; but we trust that the common sense of the people will know how to discriminate between clamour and reason.