SUMMARY.

Lyttelton Times, Volume IX, Issue 577, 15 May 1858, Page 3

SUMMARY.

We give as usual a~full summary of the news of the month in selections-froriv; the records of each week. . . .M -

(For the Week Ending January 2Z.)

The attempt to assassinate the Emperor Napoleon, immediately before. the opening of his legislative session, enabled him to take up a position stronger than any he had yet assumed, and afforded the opportunity for a declaration of his policy, which may be politic, but is at all events daring. Although it is impossible that even places could have been taken for any such attempt without some complicity in Paris, most likely among French persons, the preliminary inquiries that hare been made rather suggest the suspicion that the principals in the crime are foreignei's, and belong to an extremely restricted party. The nature of the attack has, at the same time, been more completely explained. The Emperor's going to the theatre was foreknown; hand-grenades of an unusually elaborate kind had been prepared, and they were thrown before his carriage as it advanced—three of them; they wei-e certain to destroy, although they were destitute of aim; and an assassin stood ready with dagger and revolver to make surety doubly sure. It seems extremely probable that the chief actor is the Count Felice Orsini, whose escape from the Austrian prisons rendered him for a time conspicuous in this country. The public bodies which addressed the Emperor in congratulation hurried to the conclusion that the scheme had been concocted in some foreign country, and that it involved the Italian refugees generally, presumptions which are not yet confirmed. The mistakes of others, however, have enabled the Emperor Napoleon to assume a position which has the appearance of great moderation. Hedid not instantly accept the suggestion that demands should be made upon foreign Governments for preventing such conspiracies; and although a report, to that effect got abroad, he has refrained from committing himself to the public appearance of taking such a step, but has, on the contrary, accepted the responsibilities of self-defence.

The attempt formed a striking portion of bis speech towards the conclusion, and probably modified more than half of the whole discourse. He began by describing the'exceedingly prosperous condition of France at home and abroad, her material progress, her alliances, her influence; her power to lend good offices on invitation between Prussia and Switzerland; her abstinence from meddling with the question of the Duchies while it remained a German question; her dignified willingness to discuss differences of opinion on the Principalities question in a conciliatory spirit. The marked allusion to the neiu allies, their good offices and loyal cooperation, with the avowal of a regret at having fought against them, appears to indicate a new purpose. But before making a really eloquent use of the attack upon himself, he reviewed what may be called the constitutional question of France, and referred specifically to the opposition at the elections. "While attempts are made to contest the fundamental bases of government, he said, it would be impossible to accord those institutions for which the people are impatient. " The present danger does not exist in the excessive prerogatives of power1, but rather in the absence

of repressive laws." He likens the position of his own dynasty to that of England immediately after the Revolution; and in defence of his throne he announces " new means of silencing extreme and annoying oppositions"— amongst them, an oath to the constitution for every elector before presenting himself as a candidate.

The speech is followed up by a Ministerial report preliminary on the repressive measures and an Imperial decree. The Minister of the Interior ascribes the recent event to a " sect of assassins " in Europe who send their " hired assassins" into Trance, and to the fragments of ancient parties who expect an impossible resurrection from anarchy. "To meet this emergency, various measures " will be proposed, but one is available already—the suppression of journals which covertly or overtly make themselves the organs of agitators; and this measure is at once applied to" the ' Revue de Paris' and the ' Spectateur,' which are suppressed. The act appears to be but a faint sample of the " various " irieasures in store; for which the obsequious Billault claims the model of William the Third in England.

We now have a new position on the part of Napoleon. He avows the most cordial alliance with all the Powers, of whom he might play off one against the other. He claims oblivion for the past so far as memory would injure himself; he demands implicit credit for the future, even in the name of " liberty." Meanwhile, he consolidates his defences against all parties in the state save his own, tramples to dust the " fragments " of any constitutional opposition, forbids written or spoken thought save of the regulation pattern, and demands to be entrusted with more repressive powers a discretion.

The Prime Minister in possession of the Spanish Cabinet is M. Isturitz, —or at least he was so at the date of the last advices; for a Spanish Minister is as unstable as the winds or the last quotation of the Funds. The Queen, it seems, made a slight mistake in accepting Armero's resignation" when she ought to have let him dissolve the Cortes. She acted on the advice of the Tory Camarilla, which dreads a more liberal Cortes; whereas the real danger to her throne lies in the advance of the Legitimist party, whom her King Consort suicidally patronizes. The affairs of Spain would be wholly uninteresting to England, if it were not that principles can be conveniently studied in extremes, and Constitutional Spain maybe kept in view as a political Helot.

(For the Week ending January 30.J

The Princess Royal of England has become the Princess Frederick William of Prussia; the eldest daughter of Queen Victoria is only a ' guest in her mother's mansion, on the eve of departure for her unseen home. She carries with her the best -wishes of every class in this country. The union is of the kind that corporate bodies, as they have shown by their addresses, feel themselves bound to approve, "politically and religiously;" but there is no evidence that our public has learned to Tegard it with the strong favour manifested in Prussia. Since the matrimonial project was first announced it has become more popular for obvious reasons; and when Monday the 25th at last arrived,- the people set about celebrating it after their fashion in a spirit of cordial good-will. A marriage was to be solemnized — the marriage that had been so many weeks the talk; and a wedding is always an admitted pretext for enjoyment. The bride wasS.eldest daughter of I Queen Victoria, who has won universal regard, for the wise, conscientious, and kindly manner in which, through all doubts.and difficulties, she has performed her high duties. "Whatever brought joy to her made the people glad. For the first time in many a reign, English society views with complete satisfaction;, the way in which " the family" has been brought up; and a certain gratitude for thus lending the stamp of authority and currency to the sterling virtues which we prize mingles respect for the Queen's abilities as a statesman with regard for her as a warm-hearted woman. The little that has transpired respecting the Princess Royal has shown her to be her mother's daughter, and has created a general liking for her. Thus the public yields to the emotions of the season with a satisfied conscience; the only regret being that the promising young Princess is lost to us.

There has been as yet no authoritative statement of the demands which were understood to have been made by the French Government upon our own with regard to the expulsion of refugees from this country; but the French Ambassador has taken the opportunity afforded by an address from the Corporation of London to explain to the English public the position .which he, as the representative of his Government, takes on the subject; and we are free to infer what is the character of the official demand or request. He puts aside the crime of the 14th of J January; courteously admitting that the " Government would have hastened to warn us against it if it could have known it beforehand." " The whole question," he says, " is in the moral situation of France, which has become anxiously doubtful of the real sentiments of England." If there were in France men sufficiently infamous to recommend in their clubs, their papers, and their writings, the assassination of a foreign sovereign, " and actually to prepare its execution," public notoriety would t>e sufficient to set French law in motion; and France is astonished that England should either be withoxit a stifficient law, or, if the law is insufficient, should not remedy the omission. " France cannot understand this state of things; and in that resides the harm, for she may mistake the true sentiments of her ally, and no longer believe in her sincerity." Although the opinion of this country on the late attempt has been declared \>y every possible form of speaking and writing, M. de Persigny tells us that thei-e is a great misconception in France; and it has been well retorted, that if France is not correctly informed on that subject, it is because English journals are suppressed in Paris, and quotations from English journals are not permitted, while gross misrepresentations emanating from the Anti-English circ\ilate with unlimited licence. M. de Persigny demands, however, a new act of legislation; he virtually calls upon the public to exact from Lord Palmerston a new bill auxiliary to the French system of police—"the French Bill" it would be called; and he prefers the demand under

a threat, that, if we do not obey, Erance may doubt us and withdraw her alliance.

In his speech the Emperor alluded' to " the army" as something distinct from the Erench nation; and we now see the threat scarcely veiled under M. dePersigny's studied courtesies: the official 'Moniteur' ostentatiously publishes addresses from the various corps of the army, chorusing the allusions of M. de Slorny; one of these military addresses offering to furnish the advanced guard of a force to "drag the wild beasts from their dens." Louis Napoleon must be unwell!

President Buchanan has disappointed enemies more than friends, by recognizing the "grave error" of Captain Paulding in his trespass on Nlcaraguan territory, but supporting the Captain in his resolute breaking-up of Walker's position, as virtually a favour to Nicaragua, and a vindication of his country's neutrality and good faith. At the same time, the longheaded statesman maintains his own position, by reiterating his opinion that in the natural course of things the Anglo-Saxon will settle Central America. It is an opinion, not a policy; but opinions are policies in the egg.

The proposition of placing lier Majesty's East Indian dominions under the direct government of the Crown has. been debated at great length in the open court of the East India Company; directors and proprietors have delivered *their sentiments copiously; and -we are now able to form some estimate of the course which the company will endeavour to take in Parliament, with the aid of any available allies. The company opposes any change; but in the event of change, endeavours te secure the establishment of a council resembling the East Indian Court of directors, not only as a consultative body to assist the Secretary of State for India, but as a substantive body possessing some power of control. The proprietors who have taken a leading position show that they are prepared to support their own government, as being the best for its subjects which this country has seen, the least assailable by corruption, the purest in its patronage, the most just of tribunals before which to bring grievances; while they will maintain, if we may judge by their present arguments, that a political minister will be unable, even if he could will it, to resist corrupt influences in the distribution of patronage, and that Parliament, however useful as a legislative body, is the worst in the world for the redress of grievances —the least efficient of tribunals. The proprietors are all at sea on the subject of the mutiny and its causes, but somie of them insist that the public has uot yet estimated the danger. This fear, we may say, is undoubtedly shared •by a portion of society which influences though it does~not publicly share the statesmanship of the day. The change of government, at a time when we are still not certain that we shall retain our empire, is deprecated with almost dramatic effect. Still, some of the proprietors waver; some admit that the case of the company is not without grave exceptions, its defensive petition not without over-statements; and the best-known of the nominated directors, Sir Henry Eawlinson, always an avowed opponent of " the double government,' recommends that India should be placed under the Viceroyalty of a Prince of the Blood Royal;-^vith an authority that would be. xery impressive for the natives, and power to dispense clemency as.weil as to coerce. Given to such a Viceroy the aid of a masterly prime minister in India, and the project might cut the gordian knot of many embarrassments! Is it hot possible that Sir Henry Rawlinson, a director nominated by the government, may know something of the ministerial intentions?

(For the Week ending February 6.)

Parliament met on Thursday for the working session amid great public expectation; In both Houses it was supposed that ministers would have statements to make, acts to announce, on the most important subjects—France; India, and reform, if not also on finance. In both Houses ministers met the re-assembled members with notices, cool and curt, which deterred all stirring topics till next week, even postponing till next night the eager congratulations of Parliament on the marriage of tlie_ Princess Royal. The independent Commons were content to break up early on the first evening of school, and readily consumed the few hours of the evening in a squabble about Sir De Lacy Evans's postponed motion and in listening to a debate short and quiet about the new London Corporation. Not so the proud Peers. When, after the few formal notices, Lord Granville moved to adjourn, the leader of the tory opposition poured out a protest against this unseemly silence on the first meeting of ministers and Parliament after momentous events. Has the revulsion in the money-market been succeeded by restored prosperity; have we forgotten Havelock's death or Campbell's successes; has not a lamentable and disgraceful attempt been made on the life of Xapoleon; have not demands been made upon the government of this country; and have ministers nothing to declare, nothing- to tell, nothing to announce, of what they will do or not ? Such was the bent of Lord Derby's oration, pointed by a strong declaration, that "not for the safety of the sovereign of France, nor of all the sovereigns of Europe-twenty times over," would he violate or retrench the asylum given to foreigners. The sentiments had an English ring in them as well as the voice, which, made the Peers of England cheer. Lord Granville confronted the ardent outburst by throwing cold water upon it—referring the orator to the departments and the explanations announced by them; and after this the debate fell into a string of " remarks" by such Lords as thought it worth while t*> keep up the controversy; not to be overlooked, however, the judgments of the law Lords Brougham and Campbell, on what ministers need not and must not do to chr.nje our criminal law on foreign requisition.

Sir De Lacy Evans's motion for inquiry.into the mode of sending troops to India, pruned of its censure by his own discretion and disarmed by the unqualified acquiescence of ministers, disappointed Mr. Disraeli of a party display: for his speech was superseded, and, rndigp.::nt at the surprise, he tried to get up a party c'eb.ito by questioning the right of members, mil ijtcrs, or house, to alter the motion so as to put him out. But it would not do: in spits of hi 3 intended support, the motion passed.

Nay, there was time before dinner for Sir '"George Grey's new bill to reform London Corpora ration: the Corporation'is "to he only modernized,, not destroyed-or reduced to the level of a county ' borough. ::So, with n feeling of reprieve, mem-. " bers dispersed for more interesting "business, elsewhere- and thus opens one of the most event*ful sessions cut out for the 'British-Parliament. • < Gut of doors, the -reformers have l>een grad--■-.ually mustering their strength and putting their .'.ranks in order; still, however, with manifest .mistrust between.the different sections of the party, if party it can be called, and with no immediate arrival at unanimity. At Manchester, resolutions have been passed by a considerable, meeting in favour of a union between the mode-, rate and advanced reformers, and supporting, the general acquirements of radical reformers, throughout the country. Similar meetings have been held in other towns. To one at Binning-, ham Mr. Bright contributed m. letter in his old T .vigorous style, warning, the reformers against a mere extension of tlie suffrage without a redistribution of seats and the vote by ballot, if they would avoid a swamping of the towns by the counties "and a driving of industrial votes by tyrant employers. Mr. Henry Rich has produced a new pamphlet, " Parliamentary lieform, What and Where," after ..the. manner of his; "What will the Lords Do?" in .1831. The mem-" ber for Richmond sketches a reform scene of a very comprehensive character, not exactly like any of the projects before .the public. But per-' haps the most conspicuous .fact of the day in. that class of subjects is the marked silence of Lord John Russell and of liis party. Several new laws —so many ."decrees of the Emperor Jfapoleou—have emanated from the^ French Legislature. Napoleon has altered the law relating to the Regency, and has appointed the Empress to be Regent in the event of his' own death before his heir shall have arrived at: adult age. He has.associated witlfher a Council named by himself, comprising his most immediate and devoted personal adherents; and consisting of the two princes next in succession to; the throne, Jerome and Napoleon, Cardinal: Morlot for the Papal Church, the Due de Malakhoff for the Army, Achilla Fould, for Finance, Troplong for the Lawyers, the Count de Moray for Russia, M. Baroche, grand exemplar to pliant Liberals in France; and the Count de Persigny, who is said to be the Emperor's most faithful and most disinterested friend. These are the co-guardians of the dynasty. PrinceJerome has been appointed President-of the Imperial Council in the absence of the Emperor. All France has been parcelled out into five mill- . tary divisions, each under its General, and the whole under Marshal-General Pellissier. A new "loi dcs suspects " has appeared; itTelates en-, tirely to persons who attempt to disturb the peace. "to excite hatred and contempt"" of the Emperor's Government, or persons "whom serious facts point out as again dangerous to public safety." The law gives the power of subjecting accused persons, without trial, to be fined, to be imprisoned, to be removed to the interior, to be carried off to Algeria or the Colonies. A communication to the British Government intimates, that in England French passports will henceforward be granted only to French subjects. The Imperial Government has been proceeding with its repressive measures in full swing. .

Mild as it was, perhaps the first check to this galloping career appeared in an article of the ' Globe,' which gently deprecated the publication of the threatening military addresses, as tending " to render that difficult which would have been easy,"—namely, some new legislative securities against the refugees in this country. No doubt, murmurs have been audible in France; and those who communicate with the Emperor's Government from England must be able to report the general indignation expressed here. Another ominous sign also has shown itself in the French towns; the mercantile classes have the boldness to be afraid, and " securities" of all kinds fall. The repressive course begins to fail on its financial side.

There is an immediate modification. A journal which in Jxmdon operates as a channel . tor Imperial views has " reason to believe • that no one has regretted the publication of these documents more than the Emperor 'himself, and stringent orders have been -issued against the appearance of any further addresses in the official organ."" It is further ■ explained, that the objectionable addresses did -not appear in the "official" part,—the sub-editor • of the ' Moniteur' being offered as a propitiatory • sacrifice by the French Government! In one of 1 the clauses of the new loi dcs suspects the word *" publicly " has been introduced, modifying the liability of persons who have instigated others to the commission of certain political crimes. • Slight as they are, these do appear to be signs of mitigation.

The actual position, however, is far less influenced by these modifications than by the original outburst of the Government and the Army. There are some expressions that cannot he retracted: the man whose eye we have seen ■malignantly glaring npon us we "cannot trust be•cause he resumes his outward courtesy. The -whole demonstration has made Englishmen ri•flect, and has unquestionably diminished the confidence in France politically and financially. 1 Princess Frederick William of Prussia left our ' shoves on Tuesday, amidst showers of farewells from her family, cheers from long lines of the people, flowers" from Mayor Troughtori's troop of little ladies on the quay at Gravcsend, and snow from the clouds. The whole day was an epitome of life's smiles and tears, hopes and tremors. The royal yacht could not loosen from Jier moorings in the turbulent river without co.ieussions from one or .two ill-disciplmcd vessels :in her Majesty's service; and at last it fairly steamed down the stream, upon which the gre.it Leviathan had but a few hours before quietly reposed its weight. The decision of the Judges in appeal on the case of Mellor Is interesting in two aspects. The prisoner was convicted at Liverpool assizes .of murdering his wife, there was an error in the .composition of the jmy, one man on the panel answering for another and sitting under the other mail's mime. Some of the most eminent of the judges thought 'that this vitiated the tribunal, and that there should be a new trial; the majority, however,-held that no iiyury had accrued,

and that the Court had no power to direct a new trial. None of them even hinted that the question was not of paramount importance; the upholders of the British bench sharing the utmost anxiety to maintain the perfect regularity and purity of the tribunal. This solicitude to avoid the slightest abatement of regular law on belialt of a low criminal has been justly contrasted with the present course of indiscriminate and arbitrary "justice" in France. In the course of the trial, Chief Justice Cockburn expressed a wish that there had been some proceedure in our laws by which such cases could be disposed of on their intrinsic merits, or on facts ascertained; for if so cumbersome a tribunal as the Court of Criminal Appeal may be invoked to decide great questions of law or justice it should scarcely be made to correct every blunder of form in the Court below. The case is interesting, again, as illustrating a want which is proved by repeated incidents in our law courts—the want of a Minister of Justice.

(For the Week ending February 13 .) In pursuance of the demands made upon him, Lord Palmcrston has introduced a " bill to amend the law relating to conspiracies to murder."_ The bill provides that any person who shall within the United Kingdom, including the Channel Islands, conspire" with other persons to commit murder, either within or without her Majesty's dominions, shall be guilty of felony, and shall be liable to penal servitude* for any term between five years and life. A second clause extends the liability to an}- person who shall "incite, instigate, or solicit" any other person. In England." conspiracy to murder has heretofore been a misdemeanour, subjecting the offender to fine and imprisonment;-in Irelaud.it appears, there has been a severer law, no doubt arising from -the conflict kept up between those who were within and those who were without the Pale,-r----conflicts we have forgotten together with that discreditable law. By the bill now introduced, the law of conspiracy" to murder is made uniform, throughout the United Kingdom, while its extremeseverity in Ireland is mitigated. This is. a representation of the measure which enables the Premier to lay it before the House of Commons as a law amendment, while doing his best to keep the political bearing of it out of sight. But how was it that Lord Palmerston came to introduce the bill at all? In all the official documents on the subject, it will be found that the French Minister, by the order of the Emperor, has expressed an expectation that the English Government, will alter the law of this land, in order to prevent conspiracies against the life of the ruler of France, which it is assumed are invariably concocted in England. It is distinctly intimated, that if the law be not altered, the" French Government will be unable to prevent the French nation from being convinced that we tolerate conspiracies; and the hint is conveyed, that on refusal we might forfeit the French alliance.

It might naturally be supposed tliat such a teill^ouldtnot be admitted by the House of Com-■ monsas a matter of course; and accordingly it was discussed, ire might say opposed, in two nights of earnest debating. Some few members, uttered distinct protests against the measure; amongst them the most forcible were Mr. Eoebnek, Mr. Kinglake, and especially Lord John Russell. Lord John showed from historical precedents that the French Government could not have, expected such ;a concession from ours— the proposed legislation is inconsistent with the spirit and progress.of our laws; and lie indicated how Lord Palmerston might have answered the French Government by throwing back upon tlie Emperor's Ministers the responsibility for enlightening France, while saying, show us the criminal, and we will have him punished in our own courts. At last, on a division of 299 to 99, leave was given to introduce the bill. But if that division expressed any opinion, it is adverse to the minister. When any member of the Cabinet asks leave to introduce a government bill, it is given almost as a matter of course; to resist and divide upon the merits, is in itself an ominous opposition.

Lord Palmerston no doubt found some genuine support in those who are apprehensive-of a rupture Avith France; who look not only to the, " danger."" but whe have an eye to ihe effect of an*' disturbance upon trade. These fears are areality, and they have their head-quarters perhaps in " the city 4" though that illustrious town can be sufficiently warlike too whea. it is in the mood. Another feeling which has been at work is the good English hatred of assassination: under an excess of horror, some who are told that assassins are amongst us fall into the common cry that " something must be done," without waiting to ask what; and no doubt there are persons even in the House of Commons stupid enough to accept any proposition because it is the so much desired " something." There also remains amongst us a party which has a sincere, almost a religious sympathy with arbitrary rule—believes it to be the proper administration upon earth; and which would be glad therefore to see such a regime extended on the continent and permanently established in France.

Lord Palmerston may also have for the nonce the .aid of some stray members stirred by exceptional motives.; as in the case of Mr. Thomas Duntaumbe, whom Gore House traditions convert into an advocate of his quondam associate Louis Napoleon. The popular member for Finsbury has become a teacher of French history, which he reads as it is read out of accredited books to

French schoolboys; even the Boulogne expedition being beautfied. But, what of Lord Palmerstoti's majority, with which he was said to be ruling so prosperously and soresistlessly? Undoubtedly it witnessed the introduction of this French measure with dismay and annoyance. It may bethink itself that if the bill were rejected Lord Palmerston must resign; and parties in the House of Commons, speaking generally, aie not yet prepared to reconstruct a Ministry. Nevertheless, in the ulterior stages of the bill, the Parliamentary mind might become familiarized with the idea of a resignation, while familiarity with the bill can only bring out more evidently its odious characteristics; and, if the minister persevere, the House of Commons mujht ultimately prefer the inconvenience of a ministerial crisis to a national disgrace. The great Indian debates have begun this week, wjth an unusual degree of uncertainty as

to the course they will take; an uncertainty suitable to the magnitude of the subject, the interests involved, aud the diversity of views which have hitherto been indulged in all the licence of abstract speculation but have now received a sudden summons to become practical. The calculations as io the result, which always precede a conflict on "great measures," have changed almost duilv, and are in fact based upon data the. most fnlJifcious. It may, however, be safely said, that the opponents of the bill, though many, speak in a tone the reverse of confident; •while the Government are strong in the assurance of being able to demonstrate that their plan will secure unquestionable advantages to India and the empire. The vote of thanks to the officials, the army and navyj'a'nd the civil volunteers in India was not allowed to pass without question in either House. In the House of Lords, there was a demur to including the Governor-General in the vote; and in "the House of Commons Mr. Walpole saved Government a division by suggesting an assurance from Lord Palmerston— which he gave—that no advantage should be taken of the vote in bar of the indictment of Lord Canning's administration by the Calcutta petitioners, or in anticipation of the judgment. Lord John Russell's Oaths Bill has passed its second reading in the Commons with extraordinary smoothness, the positive opposition being reduced to a minimum.

The objection to Sir John Pakington's motion for inquiry by royal commission into the state of popular education in England and Wales— that every fact is already known—was not felt to be conclusive. The pruning of the motion by Mr. Cowper did not touch the essential part of the subject, and no doubt in deference to.the resolution a commission will issue. The report ■.will not be valueless as a resume of Jjnown facts, but it will be far more valuable as a new point of departure for those who agree on the main object though they stand committed to conflicting views as to the means, and will hail an authoritative warrant to justify them in coming together again with mutual concessions.

The Imperial Government of France continues its course of repression. In order to a more effectual keeping down of any " annoying opposition," the Ministry of the Interior—the French Home Office—has been reconstructed. The police has been divided from the main bureau, and is to be placed under a military officer of higher rank than Colonel Pietri—General NieJ, one of the most rising men under the administration of the present Emperor. But the most important change has taken place at the head of the Home Office, which" M. Billault has^ been compelled to resign in favour of.General*Espinasse; one of those soldiers whom the Emperor. Napoleon has employed upon the most important of his personal occasions—such as the coup d'etat.

Notwithstanding the official expression of regret transmitted to this covmtry, the latest acts of the French government do not tend to support the belief that the regret is real, or that the military articles were published in the 'Moniteur' only through "inadvertence." It is probable that the note stating the effect in England of that publication reached Paris on the 3rd or perhaps the 4th of this month; on the sth the 'Moniteur' published more addresses from the French army, one of which still talked about "marching." In the 'Moniteur' of 29th January there appeared an address signed by Colonel d'Azemar, hoping that the " thought" of the president of the Legislative Corps would be realized; the "thought" being one of the many vague hints of aggression. The 'Moniteur de FArniee' of the 6th instant announced the promotion of M. d'Azemar to be an officer of the Legion of Honour; and only a few days back one of the editors of the papers whose "inadvert r ence " is now disclaimed was made a Knight of the Legion of Honour.

The reports from Naples are humiliating, and doubly so when-they are taken in conjunction with the present relations of this country and France. The trial of the captain and crew of the Cagliari was proceeding. The leader of the insurgents who had seized the steam-ship, Baron Nicotera, exonerated the captain and the crew, including ©ur English, fellow subjects. The Baron himself was treated by the court in the most arbitrary manner, and was refused those forms of justice which the Neapolitan constitution professes to guarantee to every prisoner. Meanwhile, the two Englishmen Watt and Park, whose innocence appears to be established from the very opening of the trial, will be released with health permanently destroyed; so that the half of their life, it may be said, has been sacrificed under the Neapolitan mockery of justice.