English and Foreign.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VIII, Issue 532, 9 December 1857, Page 3

English and Foreign.

THIRTY DAYS LATER FROM =■' ■; ENGLAND. .'....

The September mail has arrived, bringing news from London to the 16th of that month. We collect the following-summary of European intelligence from the papers of each week since the previous mail.

(Fot the Week ending Augutt 22.J

The list of bills which have received the Boyal assent grows more various than the work actually done in Parliament. The two Houses have been " considering*' each other's amendments; the Lords being more pliant in the case of the Probate Bui than the Commons in case of the Scotch Lunacy and one or two other bills.

Again the chief attention of the Gom> mons has. been devoted to the Divorce Bill • which has been so "amended" that its" authors can scarcely recognize it, and its most watchful students can scarcely tel Tits: legal effect;, The sad loss in the family of! Lord Lyttelton, of a lady,peculiarly endeared to her circle, has removed Mr. Gladstone from the debates. Even in his absence, how.ever^the, desire , 0 £ >th e . clergy forexemption froma compulsory obligation to ! marry those against whom sentence' of divorce shall Ha-ve been pronounced-has iißt; been' entirely frustrated, thoughit nas been compromised, the clergyman being compelled 'to" lend r his church though\ndt his own assistance to the ceremonial; A substitute for the of Criminal conversation has been invented, retaining "damages" ; in certain cases. And a' considerable jurisdictiori'in matrimbnial vCauses has been extended to CourtsJiO^^Ssize and QuarterSessions. So considerable; indeed, r are the changes, that it is a question how far the Lords will feel bound to accept the brief remainder of the session as a sufficient period for the "consideration," and how far they may riot insist on the whole recess for" the purpose. Lord Paliherston, however,thrbugh the indefatigable perseverance, ability, and tact of the Attorney-General, has fulfilled his announcement that he should make the session long enough to obtain a definite decision on the bill from the Commons; and if the Lords should claim their undoubted rigHt to a deliberate reconsideration of what is in effect anew measure, it would not be the Premier's fault.

India, of course, could not pass in mere silence, and several Members showed a desire for information, especially on the subjects of our actual position and of reinforcements ; the commented inquiries at last drawing forth Lord Palmerston with a concise but free and emphatic explanation. Recruiting goes forward, and will undoubtedly proceed faster after the harvest ; insomuch that'we may soon expect to make good the deficiency created at home by the demand of troops for India. Government does not hold itself precluded from raising more regiments of Militia than those already mentioned. Lord Palmerston concedes another point—a small force might be sent by the shorter and more rapid route through Egypt if necessary. Screw-steamers are'not sent out in greaternumber because it might not be prudent to leave our Own coasts without naval defence by sending the vessels so far as India, —a reason which curiously indorses some previous objections urged against sending the tome squadron to China. As an excuse for too great 'reduction of our forces immediately after the Russian war, Lord Palmerston pleads the compulsions put upon an executive amid representative institutions ;: a disadvantage compensated by the extraordinary support which representative institutions enable a minister to rally round him in time of difficulty. The plea amounts to a ; confession that our Premier follows the policy of yielding even where he conscientiously disapproves j and it raises the question, how far a conscientious stateman is not bound to serve his'country by resisting, unwise demands, even at the sacrifice of his own official position. True, other men step in -to fulfil an impolitic popular desire; yet a protest earnestly uttered and devotedly enforced might prevail against the vulgar oscillations of opinion.

A cruise by Queen Victoria in her floating pavilion has become too common an occurrence to attract much notice; and the passage to the Channel Islands and Cherbourg and back again, this'week, has been happily accomplished without mischance. The'stiff-wind-of Tuesday was enough, to remind us of the uncertainties of the sea; but it is amongst the many traits of Queen Victoria's sagacity and tact that she has preserved or rather gained for the Royal

creased m the effect and reUeved b y the unusual ceremony on the preceding, dav-^ the "inauguration" of the Louvit fe Z*l^"B^^* t0 that P^tracted work has afforded Louis Napoleon an opportumty of p a yi n& various compliments to his faithful subjects and himself, as having completed a work commenced by Ijrancis the First and recommended by Napoleon the First. A large distribution ot the crosses of the Legion of Honour— a feast for workpeople, authors, and other notables—an exchange of speeches, and an appropriation for Imperial purposes of a day already rendered gay to the Parisians by one of the many observances of the Catholic Church—have contributed materially to one of Napoleon the third's most successful coups de theatre. The ceremony however, is over, and it might be ■difficult to discover what substantial hold he has added to his strange and anomalous tenure.

The criminal records of have no .parallel to what has been going on in Dublin: this week. Our readers keep in- mind the mass of circumstantial evidence brought to bear upon the accusation of James Spollen as the murderer" of Mr. Little. On the trial he was acquitted. It haras a* circumstance materially contributing to weaken the case of the prosecution against him, that a legal punctilio prevented the evidence of his wife from being taken at ?the trial. But, however it happened, the man was acquitted, and he was released. No sooner the verdict pronounced, than ne: iiisinuated an for compensation oh account of his: damaged character; and he has actually hired a theatre and;advertised a-"narrative" of his share in the casej as a.pretext and opportunity for a begging appeal to the public, asking the means for emigration with some money in his pocket! It is impossible to conceive a case of greater : impudence, yet something more must belaid to show how excessive that was. Several persons in the scanty auditory put questions to Spollen, in order to draw from Tiirn that clear explanation which might perhaps have lent a moral confirmation to the verdict of acquittal: but he evaded or refused to answer. At last some one suggested to him that the technical quittance rendered it perfectly safe for him either to explain or even to confess his "guilt" ; and he seems to have been hesitating-, when his son, who acted as partner in this extraordinary exhibition, vehemently desired him to be silent. And yet the man persevered with his importunities for money! One thing he did supply—an unpleasant commentary on the proceedings of the Court and the verdict of the Jury.

The act of the' Bank of Prussia in raising its rate of discount from 5 tos| per cent has been taken as a warning that some similar step may become necessary in our Bank. The Prussian establishment had been preceded in its movement by that of the Dutch capital; the Bank of Hamburg had been obliged to protect itself by a dis-count-rate of 7 per cent; and the Bank of France, which lowered its rate in June, and assumed so flourishing an aspect under the new management, has been renewing its purchase of gold. It aggravates the ominous look of these facts when we remember that " Credit" companies on the plan of Mobilier have been established in the most of European commercial cities, and have been doing their best—or their worst; while some of the Continental Governments are obliged to keep up heavy expenditure as a sign of affluence and a means of purchasing a spurious popularity. They must "go on," and.they reckon upon " something, turning up" to save their credit, or their existence, at the crisis. It is in this direction that we may anticipate the most dangerous pressure from which we shall have to protect ourselves.

(For the Week ending August 29.)

Parliament was prorogued yesterday; Queen Victoria is off to the Highlands; and we exchange the stirring politics of the session for the recreations of the recess. All parties feel the relief. Although the session has been varied in its casualties rather than in its measures, and has not been protracted to great length, we have long since exhausted its main subjects. The lenders of the Liberal party have induced it to defer its politi6s;to next session, and the Opposition have no; vocation at present. The whole interest of the Legislature lay in the specific measures which were promised in the official programme, with some very few addenda. The recap-

itulation of the closing Royal Speech harmonizes rather better than usual with the promise of the opening; and Lord Palmers-ton, who has managed to maintain his success with increased prestige to the latest'week, has. been one of the most assiduous, one of the most indefatigable of working Members. For the singular industry of Parliament, and especially of the Commons, has been kept tip until this last fragmentary week of the session. The measure which has attracted most attention, the Divorce Bill, still remains for a final handling: the Lords had to begin the week with considering the amendments of the Commons, and then the Commons had to reconsider the amendments of the Lords. Some Peers, Lord St. Leonards in particular, did not neglect to put in the plea which we' anticipated— that in a measure of so much importance, with such : extensive alterations, a longer time should be allowed for deliberate revision. Lord Redesdale, who was anxious j even to stop the bill,' enforced this plea; but he had already weakened his position by endeavouring to anticipate it last Friday ; and he had so far undermined the ground taken by Lord St. Leonards. On Monday, the House resolved by 46 to 44 to go on with the amendments; and by large numbers, though in one case not without the aid of proxies, it defeated the attempts of Peers to make damaging alterations in the bill as it came from the Commons. On some points the Government gave way : it allowed the jurisdiction of Quarter-Sessions to be struck outT; and the words which gave the wife a claim to dissolution of marriage in the case of adultery committed in .a conjugal residence were effaced. As a body, therefore, the Peers were very temperate in their alterations; fand; the Commons at their new sitting, in accepting" the few changes,; were proportionately accommodating. The bill was returned to the Lords and finished; waiting only for the Royal assent on the last day.

Among the few other subjects which have been discussed/ military points have been conspicuous. Lord Panmure explained why Government hesitates to act upon the report of the Royal Commission on Purchase in the Army; the principal plea being the large proportion of Commission-ers—-four out of ten-—-who have not appended their signature; while a fifth, Sir De Lacy Evans, partially dissents from the report as not going far enough. That reform, therefore, stands over for renewed inquiry, until military authorities can be ■brought to an agreement. Meanwhile, it has been correctly observed, that a few years since, military men were almost unanimous against any change; so thafr the progress of opinion, even in the profession, has been very considerable. Mr. Adderley performed good service in calling for explanations respecting the large number of troops retained by Sir George Grey at the Cape of Good Hope, and the embodiment of the German Legion sent over to that colony as settlers and not as soldiers. The reply of the Colonial Secretary was vague, amounting only to the expression of a hope that Governor Grey would obey the orders transmitted to him "to the utmost of his power." At the very latest hour Lord Palmerston consummated his change of position on a subject that has become important, by recognizing the impracticability of the Euphrates line of telegraph, to which the Turkish Government had refused its sanction; and promising that Government would give to the Suez line of electric telegraph such assistance as can be given without the aid of Parliament, which renders the project easy of speedy accomplishment. Outside of politics, there is nothing of so much interest just at "present as the state of the moors, or the arrest of Spollen on the minor charge of robbing Mr. Little. Even the British Association at Dublin, with the inaugural address of Dr. Humphrey Lloyd on various topic? of scientific interest, attracts But slight notice in this hour of carpet-bags and railway agitations. The only topics which can arrest attention at the moment are of the less agreeable kind—those irregularities in commerce which are becoming* so frequent. The principal incidents this week-^-and they are only conspicuous amongst a class —are v report which has brought forward the Eastern Banking Association again; in its efforts to avoid a"formal bankruptcy; the decision of Vice-Chancellor Page Wood affirming the right of the Preference shareholders in the Great Northern Railway to their dividends aindiminished by

the Redpath frauds; and the strange squabbling- scenes in the bankruptcy proceedings to "wind up" the Surrey Garde*ns Company. ; Looking beyond the limit of our own frontiers, we find scarcely anything to notice,—except the single acquiescence of the Porte1 in cancelling the Molda/ian elections,—until we come to India; from which jive have a darker sequel of bad news.

The meeting at the Mansion-house, to raise means of compensating the losses of the British subjects, and to relieve their sufferings, is meritorious in its objects, and will be beneficial in its action ; but even this relief is altogether insignificant compared with that which can be furnished by the direct action of Government in the simple performance of its duty. Every available reinforcement should be sent, under the most peremptory orders, and by the shortest route. Not a man should be kept at the Cape who is wanted in India; not a man should be sent round by the Cape who can go through' Egypt.

(For the Week ending Sept. o.)

India is still the first thought in every mind. "What news?" is the question, even although it is known that no fresh mail can have arrived. " What is going to be done ?" is daily asked, although there cannot be a fresh answer every day. In the interval between the receipt of the public and newspaper despatches, however, private letters are poured Out, filling up the dry summaries of official or con^ stituted correspondents... And^thus the story of India grows every fortnight in anticipation of the next instalment of positive news. This week, for example, we have those particulars which enable us better to understand the position of the small army near Delhi; we for the first time really apprehend the actual state of things at Cawnpore; we now perceive the character of the contest at Agra, and can better estimate the position of our countrymen throughout the disturbed region. The details of the story are even more interesting than the general outline. Tombs and Hills performing feats of valour in the field at Delhi, that read like a 1 passage from the old chivalrous romances ; the small garrison of Agra issuing forth to beat off the large army of mutineers in the proportion of one Englishman to twenty enemies; DOyly sitting on the tumbril'of a gun, mortally wounded, issuing his orders, and saying, " Place a stone over my grave, and say I died fighting my guns;", the garrison at Cawnpore surrendering to the traitor Nena Sahib, after the death of Wheeler, and fired upon while taking to the boats under capitulation; Havelock overtaking and defeating1 the traitor; Gordan and Skene in therOund tower at Jhansi, bringing down thirty-seven of their assailants, until Gordon is shot, and Skene, kissing his wife, shoots her and then himself; —these are pictures,- unsurpassed in any romance, which give us the real life of the contest. We see English commanders gradually filling up a design of attack. The native mutineers, self-convicted of possessing no design beyond that of butchery and plunder, lose their ground in spite of their numbers, and begin to fail in their ammunition. They flinch in the very hour of triumph, while our own countrymen never fail of heart in the hour of death. England is still equal- to herself as soon as she tried. There is not unmixed calamity in the fact that she is tried.

On this side, the aim of our official administrators is to show that they are equal in -their zeal and activity to the demands made upon them by the straits and the heroism of their countrymen in India. If they are not able to exhibit such heroic devotion, or such desperate sacrifices, they display a large array of preparations, in various shapes. Reinforcements continue to follow each other in unbroken series, and it is calculated that in October our army will not fall much short of 80,000. An explanation has been given why troops have not been sent by way of Egypt,—in the first place, from some uncertainty respecting' the supply of transports on the other side of the Isthmus of Suez ; but more especially, it would appear, from certain diplomatic or political difficulties which would have had to be overcome. The official journals represent Lord Palmerston as personally superintending1 all measures for the maintenance, of our supremacy in India; and it has been Announced that on the; arrival-of every mail< a Cabinet Council will be' held. "' A suggestion,; which: originated with Metcalfe., if not with some" earlier statesman, has been revived by the Morning

Post;' it is the transfer of the Indian Supreme Government to a more centra! position, where it can be surrounded by a strong- force of British residents"; and Simla is indicated as the site: . Unquestionably Calcutta is a bad site in many respects; and there are vulid reasons why the Supreme Government ' should be guarded against surprise by the natural defence of a resident British population. Probably, whatever may be the particular course adopted, either in prosecuting the military campaign or in the more arduous work of reorganisation and improvement, the materials for colonising some central spot will be conveyed to India. The immense British force which is now sent out will be accompanied by a strong body of officers; the improvements to be anticipated in India will offer means for employment after the war has passed away; the whole work of reorganisation will call from England civilians as well as military men; and every form of development will invite capital and residence. If the site of the Central Government be conveniently chosen with reference to the tendencies of this reaction, the materials for the colony will be at hand, and they will naturally, concentrate themselves. -

The Continental news almost resolves itself into a court circular, though of a stirring1 and in one particular of a tragical kind. The activity of the Emperor Napoleon is exemplified hy the great camp at Chalons, where he is exercising his guards, constructing Imperial entertainments, and laying the foundations of a great permanent camp. The apparent object is, to amuse the soldiers and to occupy the attention of the French, and perhaps to prepare the machinery for graver purposes. Meanwhile, -the Emperor is far from being inactive on a larger field. He is making his influence felt in Italy, where it is distietly recognised as favourable to reforms. The Pope, it is imagined, will yield under the influence of the Duke de Grammont, transferred from Turin" to the Eternal City. Another reason why the Pope may possibly yield to that influence is a-'strong testimony which he has received during his extensive tour in Italy, that his hold over the Italians is declining. The Florentines, long since imbued with more than liberal opinions especially in matters of religion, have given him a very cool reception.

Still more influential combinations appear to be on the tapis: it is supposed that the meeting1 of the Emperors Alexander and Napoleon will take place at Darmstadt, about the 16th of this month. Potsdam was named originally: the health of the King' of Prussia is perhaps a true reason why the meeting- had been transferred to another scene; but possibly also, that uncertain monarch hesitates to take part in the momentous projects to be initiated at this second encounter of a Napoleon with an Alexander.

Imperial intrigues have had at least one victim. The contest in the Darmbian Principalities has been waged, not only in Constantinople, not only between th§ representatives of the powers, but between local parties. That party with which our own Government has sided, the party of the Anti-Unionists, has employed the weapons of calumny ; and to bring- down the leading' opponent in Moldavia, Prince Ghika, has accused him of peculation. There does not appear to be any ground for the eharg-e; but in the pain of mind which it produced, he destroyed himself, leaving" his defence to the repentance of his enemies. Revolutionists and national corporations are accused of butchery and crime; but we see that imperial and legitimist combinations have similar results.

In the distribution of Peerages, one occasions two vacancies in Parliament, and accident has slightly increased the number. Lord Eobert Grosvenor is replaced in the representation of Middlesex, by Mr. Georg-e Byng*, heretofore member for Tavistock, —the lineal descendant of a hearty Whig family ; Mr. Byng's place at Tavistock is coveted by Mr Arthur Russell, nephew of the Duke of Bedford and of Lord John Russell; more than one candidate has appeared for an unexpected vacancy at Greenwich. All the candidates proffer strong tests of liberal principles. Mr. Byng, the hereditary "Whig", who goes in for the support of Lord Palmerston, volunteers the Ballot test; and Middlesex elects him unanimously. Among other plums in the political cake which Mr. Arthur Russell, " nephew of my uncle," offers to the- electors of Tavistock, he conspicuously places" "• 'extension'- of; the franchise^a'nd vote by ballot." Mr. Salo;man's';we" |iave kiidWn' of old; his competitor at Grdenwicli'is |1r,.,W. F.. Campbell,

'& son of Lord Campbjell; whb regards the oallot, as a measure to develop the Reform Act of 1858, " with the greatest hope and /confidence."

Perhaps, in the present quiet dpy, these indications may assist in instructing- Lord Palmerston's Cabinet.; which has hitherto made no sign on the subject of the Reform Bill. Indeed an idea has been graining around, that India is to be the excuse for .again deferring 1 that measure to another year, under the supposition that the public, which is so qiu'et, cannot care much •jabout it. -"Old Reformers," too,—a phrase which usualty means old Whigs or aniddle-class political economists that have not chimed in very well with the feeling" sof the are against any very measure, and decidedly hostile to any considerable enlargement of the franchise. All these are circumstances tending* to mislead the Minister; yet if he will inquire into the facts—if he will take the pains to ascertain the deliberate conviction of the most thoughtful among the numerous classes—he will ascertain, that .although the people will take no initiative in a Reform Bill movement for 1858, they would view with repugnance and contempt any Government which could issue - the advertisements of 1857, and set aside the promise in the coming year. In some respects, although the new creation of Peerages, does not now look so comprehensive as it did in the first announcement, it does show that Lord Palmerston is not bound in the iron bands of precedent. It is true that the creation of Baron Macaulay has been prepared by many antecedents, which prevent its -coming upon the public by surprise, and which smooth its way as a measure of change. Mr. Macaulay has been in office; he has made his way to distinction by gradual advances; he has identified himself, if not intellectually, at least socially and by the habits of life, with the upper •classes-—with those classes that people the House of Lords and the leading benches of the House of Commons—-that hang about Piccadilly and Belgravia, and attend divine service in fashionable churches. He has for some time worn one of the highest stamps of social rank in the "right honourable" augmentative of a Privy. 'Councillor. But heretofore the only •modes of entering the House of Lords 'have been—by acquiring such wealth and "position" as to make a man almost ■3, Lord before his admission to the House; ;by rising to the woolsack, or some other great dignity, in the ladder of the law; 'by performing the same tedious feat in "the ladder of the church and ascending to a bishopric; by defeating the enemies of the country in combat as a soldier; or, lastly, by assisting the enemies of the country in corrupt party conflicts. Hitherto there have been but these five portals to the House of Lords; but now Lord Palmerston, with a grand superiority to precedent, has applied the force of his will to the wall of the House, and has cut out a sixth portal through which Baron Macaulay is the first to enter as an en.nobled writer.

(For the Week ending September \2.)

A movement which goes on apace is the subscription to the fund which the Lord Mayor is collecting for the sufferers in India. The contribution of the Emperor Napoleon stands out with peculiar prominence. Politically, the note accompanying the order for a thousand pounds is of considerably more value than the gold. As a simple expression of good feeling it is much. If the Emperor professes only to make some return for what the Queen and people of England did during the inundations in France, bis modesty increases the grace of the act rather than diminishes its political importance. The fact that he feels impelled to keep on so very friendly a footing with the sovereign '• -and people of this country, his desire to be Teeognised as ■" personally" contributing to a national object, and the subscription tfrom the Imparial Guard* which accompanies his own are so many tokens of sympathy with our country men in India; proclaiming to the other governments of Europe that 'France intends to be the friend of England, and cannot, without some changes altogether unforeseen, be either a rival m antagonist in India or in Europe. Such is the declaration on the face of the note; though we are well aware that modern diplomacy, like the statesmanship of all times, keeps great reserves oinder its 'frankest aspects.

""' *TMe donation of £400, understood by the ■first telegraphic message to be from the Imperial ouard, turned out to be the contribution of the ImperialyamjTj/.

Subsequently to the announcement of the Emperor's contribution, it is announced1 that Queen Victoria gives a thousand pounds, the Prince Consort three hundred, the Duchess of Kent, one hundred; and Lord Palmerston's name appears among the subscribers for one hundred pounds. We have this week only one important official announcement on the subject of the reinforcements. It is an order from the

Horse Guards announcing that any young gentleman who shall show the Comman-der-in-Chief that he is fit to enter the army, and shall raise a hundred recruits, shall have a commission. It is questionable how far the commissions thus granted may be cheaper or dearer than commissions purchased in the usual way; but the step shows that the Horse Guards is anxious to obtain recruits.

Another Ministerial crisis in Constantinople marks the difficulty of the Principalities. According to some reports the question is not even yet settled; for the Austrian Commissioner is said to have

protested against the course which Turkey has recently taken, under the advice of England as well as the four Powers, France, Russia, Prussia, and Sardinia. There is reason to suppose, However, that orders from Vienna, have modified this protest of the Austrian official, and the six Powers are once more in formal accord. Even the renewal of diplomatic intercourse in Constantinople occasioned a new embarrassment; for the Porte, which can submit to such grave dictation, found difficulty in saluting* with cannon the flags of Powers, some of whom were represented only by a " Minister" or a Charge d'Affaires. At last the punctiliousness both of the Porte and of M. Thouvenel was overcome; but there is a fresh ministerial crisis in Constantinople. Redschid Pacha neither resigns nor is turned out, but he is "relieved"; to be succeeded, it is supposed, by Fuad Effendi; and new doubts arise whether Turkey will be able to fulfil the compact lately arranged at Osborne. It is all the fault of M. Thouvenel, say the English correspondents—of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, say the French correspondents. And some countenance is lent to this last statement by a conspicuous paper in the ' Times,' intimating that if it were necessary for the settlement of peace in Constantinople, Stratford might be recalled.

It is impossible to determine, even provisionally, which of these reports may be accurate, and which mere fables. The belief that France and England came to a complete agreement at Osborne—vouched by Lord Palmerston as it was in Parliament —is somewhat discredited by present appearances. But who can trust to appearances ? Or who, without a key to the inner meaning, can trust to the vulgar letter of compacts made by so great a master of statecraft as the Emperor Napoleon? He is about to meet the Emperor Alexander at another court, now said to be Stuttgard. Some ascribe to him the mission of reconciling France and Russia.

Two conclusions we look upon as certain. ! If Lord Stratford de Redcliffe were recalled from Constantinople, he might prove to be more detrimental to Ministers inthe House of Lords than he can be to the interests of England in Constantinople. Strong in facts, regarding all| opponents as pervers.e or corrupt, quick to speak, practical and business-like, Lord Stratford would be a more harassing opponent than ten Ellenboroughs. And Lord Palmerston knows this. The other conclusion is, that whatever we may have undertaken to regulate in the Ottoman empire, Turkey is incapable of maintaining any position that we can assign to her. Reports from Jerusalem and Beyrout show us that her Arabian and Syrian populations are breaking out in general insubordination, not unmingled with fanatical hatred of " the Giaour." We must always bear in mind that France and Russia—or rather the

Roman Catholic and Greek Churches, whose skirmishers cover the political designs of their superiors—have revived the old contest for supremacy on the old battleground of Palestine; the conflict now extending even to Egypt. These contests only add to the complication. And Turkey has not yet made any progress in accommodating herself to the European system, in the midst of which she was in-

vited to sit.

It is agreeable to see Lord Brougham reappearing in one of his earliest vocations among the most active promoters of education and assisting in the diffusion of useful knowledge. His address in distributing the prizes awarded by the Institutional Association at Manchester was very char-

acteristic of the old educationist. It was not an oration; it was a conversational address, strictly constructed upon Lord Brougham's well-known principle of speaking1 his best even when he speaks to the humblest. Its whole tendency was practical, much of it conveying1 very useful advice with regard to the conduct and management of self-educating institutions. The meeting formed a good exercise, if Lord Brougham" need one, for the approaching meetirig of the Sociologist Association; and he did not neglect to beat up recruits for Birmingham. The peace of Ireland's most thriving town has been disturbed in a very unseemly manner. Painful as the incident is, it happens rather opportunely as an illustration of the practice of street preaching. Mr. Hanna, a Presbyterian minister at Belfast, who is said to be still young, held an open-air seivice near the Quays of | Belfast, on Sunday last. It appears that there had been services of the kind before, and some of Mr. Hanna's collegues in the town had thought it advisable to discontinue them. When he ascended the temporary platform which served him for a pulpit, the threatening aspect of the neighbourhood induced one of the Justices ,of the Peace, who had assembled in some force, to dissuade him from proceeding; but he insisted upon his "rights." He continued the service, and his sermon, while some of his congregation, the constabulary, and utimately the military, held the irritated Roman Catholic crowd at bay. Disturbances continued till night, ana life was sacrificed in the tumult. The moral of the case cannot be put more distinctly than it has been by the ' Times.' A public demonstration by one sect in a divided community is a defiance to the other sects: if it be attempted by a minority in the face of a majority, the outrage is all the greater. A papistical procession in the streets of London would be put down by the populace if it were not stopped by the police; and a protestanr demonstration in Ireland has no greater claim to indulgence. It is probable that Mr. Hanna will be effectually prevented from repeating his indiscretion; in the mean time, he has exemplified by an extreme case the dangerous tendencies of street preach-

mg. ■•- ■ ■ Among the conferences of the season has been that of the Mormons, one of the ugliest

" symptoms " of our times. In America " the Saints " still succeed, notwithstanding the wellknown fact that the Federal Government of the United States has resolved *o break up the Mormon settlement of Utah. In this country they still gather adherents and moneys. If the enemies of the sect had desired to procure a special exposure of its absurdities, they might have arranged exactly such meetings as have been held on Sunday and Monday last; where the Mormon doctrines—a degraded materialism, mingled with a spurious Biblical jargon —were elucidated by the lowest and most ludicrous illustrations. Yet, evidently, this kind of appeal to the love of excitement, spiritually or otherwise, is successful among the uneducated classes. There is a large amount of unapproriated pietism in our great towns, which for want of better guidance is seduced into Mormonism, just as it used to be in the "jumping " ecstacie3 of Wales or the love-feasts of older times.

The Society de Credit Mobilier has received a blow, which, though not immediately fatal to the institution, serves the public as a memorandum of the unsoundness of certain kinds of commerce on both sides of the Atlantic. As we stated last week, a Paris tribunal has held M. Auguste Thurneyssen responsible for the debts of his nephew Chailes, who absconded about four months since, and the consequence has been that M. Auguste Thurneyssen is declared bankrupt. Now the elder gentleman is not only one of the most eminent capitalists of Paris, intimately connected with men of his own stamp in London, and with the house of Stieglitz, but he is a leading director of the Credit Mobilier; and his bankruptcy, not the first among the directors of the Company, is the blow we speak of. The injury did not stop there; another director drove the stab home. M. Andre, in striving to retire from the directorate, proceeded "by a notarial act" to discharge himself from future responsibility in regard to the company. Other resignations are reported, but they have not been formally announced, and have perhaps been suspended^ out of regard for the interests of the proprietors generally; and even M. Andre has been prevented from completing his retirement. Of course, shares have fallen greatly. Since the foundation of the Society in 1852, they have been as high as 19,000 francs; the latest fall

brings them down to 840 francs. This is still nominally a premium, for the shares were originally no more than ,500 francs each. The capital of the Society, however, amounted io about one twentieth part of its authorised " credit;" and the decline of its profits from 40 to 23 per cent last year, followed by this fearful depression, has altogether altered its position among commercial companies. We lately had in London a company which in one year divided 10 per cent,and thereafter a successful season, winds up aB bankrupt. There is a parallel in a more strictly commercial province, in the United States. The Ohio Life

j and Trust Company, a species of bank on the Credit Mobilier pattern, with a capital of £400,000, has its shares one day worth nearly £100 and the next day unsaleable; pays its usual dividend, and then in a few days, breaks down, with debts due to the depositors of £1,200,000. But young America always beats old Europe. A question has beep raised as to the genuineness of breaks-down in the United States j for a clique of speculators is said to be engaged in disparaging securities and shares within the Union, where the majority of the capital is held, as. in many cases it is, by English inyesters. The motives are obvious. A fraud equal to any detected in this country exposes a new kind of adulteration in the Union —an adulteration of shipbuilding. The ships of a certain company, it is said, have been found to be, like London milk, "short measure," and the most important timbers were utterly worth- j less. These wholesale frauds and gigantic speculations based on "dodging" must have a serious effect upon trade throughout the world.