The Lyttelton Times.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VIII, Issue 530, 2 December 1857, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times.

Wednesday, December 2. A sermon > preached in the Wesleyan Chapel, in Wellington, by the Rev. James Buller, during- the excitement of the late elections in that town, has been printed for circulation in a pamphlet form, with the title of " True Patriotism: A Sermon for the Times." Its contents well merit the title given to it. We have rarely known an instance of an address from the pulpit on any exciting question of the day in which a practical view of existing circumstances has been so well combined with abstract reasoning and teaching. We have here the moralist, the instructor in the principles of religious life, applying the doctrines which he habitually enforces to the time and the events in which he finds his congregation; and this without permitting his language to adopt a shade of the tone in which those events are discussed all around by him. Liberally and courageously he has stepped forward from the retirement of his sacred office to quiet the political excitement of the people: reminding them of those lessons of; piety and virtue which it has been the constant effort of himself and his brethren to impress upon them; and calling upon his hearers as rational men and as consistent Christians to turn those lessons to practical use in the time of excitement. The sermon was accepted by one of the parties in Wellington as a political attack from the pulpit upon them and their principles. It is not, indeed, difficult to disco-

ver to which of the two^^M^? would ascribe the greater moderation t* honesty; but it is not against pol it S< persons or principles that his D S arguments are addressed, but a^ainl ti conduct of the reckless partizaf? Z,- the the thoughtless or dishonest politician^ ever he klf the RaLaC^" hngton think themselves aeorievpd I party by Mr. Buller's serlo°n£ " * demn themselves. J a~ We must let Mr. Buller in his mie . t . It was with unaffected diffidence thatT tured to give notice of my subject for this -I?' ing. I conceive it to be the duty of a CW* minister, in the course of passing circumst. n to hold up the lamp of' God's W rd"sfr gregation, and «ay unto them—' this is theVav" walk ye m it.' It is not for him to be idwTfi }J with the collisions of party strife-the tu™l of political agitation; out as the princfc diyine tmth are the only right principles of °f htical economy as well as of social obligation v comes fairly within the range of his prfvSta 11? 86 P^P 1? 8 ' a°d reiterate the Word? of his Master:—' Render unto Cajsar the th?n which are Caesar's; and unto God, the £ gS ' which are God's.' The present is a seaSg more than ordinary excitement in the commj mty of which we form a part. I am {T*' means deposed to underrate the importance nf the subjects which now engross the public mind —subjects which affect the welfare of postS as well as our own. ■■ * atc"iy In this remote dependency of the British em pire we possess even greater freedom than in our father land. In the city of Wellington for instance individuals have, generally speakimr more political influence than they would have in London. As Christians we must regard this cir. cumstance in the light of moral accountability as well as of personal privilege. Tor the right use of that influence we are responsible to God 'For, unto whomsoever much is given, of him i shall be much required.' Our conduct, as m em . bers of the body politic, involves the interests of generations yet unborn. Every step in the process of local legislation is a stone in the foundation of a future empire. If the superstructure is to be enduring, the foundation must be of stable character. It must be sustained, not by human passion, but by moral principle. It is the exercise of a calm, deliberate, enlightened judgment, that is required. You will allow that the atmosphere of stormy meetings is not that wherein such a spirit will be breathed. Unhappily, on such occasions the worst passions of our fallen nature are excited;—the judgment is clouded by prejudice, and party objects usurp the place of public interests. We approach the subject to-night under favourable circumstances. The peacefulness of the Sabbath; the solemnity of the sanctuary; the authority of Eevelation; all combine to conduct the mind to a thoughtfnl consideration of our duty. It is not the respective merits of opposing policies we are now to investigate. I preach not a political sermon.but I would inculcate political duty. I mean by this, the principles of moral obligation in reference to our civil—our political relation. I address myself to Christian men—to those who acknowledge the supreme authority of God's word You will admit that the Bible is the true basis of all righteous lawi of all good government: of all social happiness: in a word—of national prosperity. • Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin .is a reproach to any people.' Mr. Buller deals with his subject in a comprehensive manner. He investigates the foundations of society, and exhibits the relation which the conduct of men in their several capacities bears to the government of the country in which they live, and, as in this case, of which they are themselves in a great degree, particularly at election time, the rulers. He investigates the rights, obligations, and duties of men in . their personal, domestic, and public conditions j and he takes the opportunity to enforce parental education in religious knowledge as the foundation of political virtue and therefore of the prosperity of the state. Knowledge is essential, and " knowledge is power " for good ends, only when regulated by right principle. A religious education is the only foundation for public'prosperity. You may have a steam engine:—one of mighty capability and superior quality, but without the skill of the engineer it is a powerless thing: and, unless that skill be honestly applied, it will be powerful only for ruin. It is as easy of demonstration that if the constitution—the civil machinery—is to be an.engine for good, the practical engineer— the public mind—must be enlightened by education, and directed by moral principle. Then " wisdom and knowledge shall be the stability of thy times." On Christian parents devolves this duty—the duty of preparing tfee rising generation for their position. The following paragraph is full of meaning. If there be any portion of the sermon which is pointedly addressed to the opposition party it is this. We have only to read the transactions of the election times in Wellington, even as given by the journal of this party, to know that this reproof was more than merited by them. Constitutional diseases must be met by constitutional remedies. If you are sick, you seek tne recovery of your health, not by the knife of tne executioner, but by appropriate antidotes under medical skill. What is commonly called a Radical, either in religion or politics, is a dangerous character. It is subversive of all order ana government and law. Its "end is destruction. It is opposed equally to the teaching of scnp" ture and the interests of society. As the uixmrn body is liable to disease, so, in the present stare of fallen humanity, every form of social orgam-

ction has the elements of corruption within itself. To counteract their tendency a healthy, that is, a rightly directed competition, is a good if not a necessary thing. This is true of every department, whether in commerce, religion, or politics. It is an evil only when it becomes a conflict of passion, instead of a trial of principle. Thus commercial rivalry may lead to bankruptcy: religious animosity to bigotry: and political zeal to partizanship. Against such extremes it is the duty of the Christian to maintain his guard—" For where envy and strife is, there is confusion and every evil work." Another branch of public duty in which the Christian will " seek the peace of the city " is, the exercise of^ the elective franchise. Our constitutional privileges entitle;us to choose our own j legislators. To do this requires calm discussion, sober thoughtfulness, and a high and noble sense of duty. Alas! that the occasion should so generally become a bone of fierce contention: that inflammatory appeals to the passions should take the place of manly, earnest, and candid .statements addressed to the understanding of men. The ordinary measures of election movements, I hesitate not to say, are not only unworthy of Christian, men, but are degrading to moral beings. Let no man tell me that lam now going beyond my province, or the proper range of pulpit ministrations. I disclaim all sympathy with party objects. My aim and my duty is to declare, unto my congregation, the great principles of duty by which they should be governed on such occasions. It is right to say that caricature, misrepresentation, and foul names are weapons which truth never needs, and righteousness cannot sanction. Insult, provocation, and reproach reflect no credit on those who use them. Such means must be discountenanced by every right-minded man. Unmoved, on the one hand by intimidation, •or on'the other by flattery, it is the duty of the Christian patriot to " seek the peace of the city" by giving his support to those who, by their rtalents and character, he believes to be most worthy of the public trust—not as " men-pleasers but, in singleness of heart, fearing God." Here is an admirable combination of the Christian minister with the lecturer on political science j and we commend this ■train of consideration to all our readers, if they are concerned in the well-being- of the state. The preacher goes on in the same strain;:— The price of government is the concession of •a certain degree of personal liberty. Absolute there is not—there cannot be. That is only another name for anarchy;—the brutal force. The most perfect form of government isthat which combines the greatest amount of individual freedom] with the most ample protection of individual rights. In the administration rof government, men of corresponding talents are required to fulfil the functions of its several departments. If God has bestowed upon a man .suitable gifts, consideration of convenience, ease, or profit, should not predominate; provided the duties required of him do not interfere with prior, orinofe sacred claims. Had Moses yielded to personal inclination, he would have declined the cares and responsibilities of his high .office, but he was, constrained by a sense of duty, at the call of God. No doubt Daniel would have greatly preferred the enjoyments of private life, of literary leisure, of domestic quiet, to the temptations and dangers of his elevated station, which exposed him to the envy, detraction, and malice | of his enemies; but it was his duty, in the pub- j lie exercise of his commanding talents, to " seek the peace of the city." Lower motives will govern other men, and may have their influence on the Christian's mind, but his choice will be decided by the noblest principles, the highest considerations. In whatever position the Providence of Go"d may place him—whether in private or public;; as head or subordinate; as high or low; he will "seek the peace of the city— and pray unto the Lord for it." Mr. Buller proceeds with a consideration of the means to be used by those who would honestly use their efforts for the advancement of the state j and of the motives which can properly induce men to exertion. He does not attempt to withdraw any of his hearers from their political duties; Christians cannot, he says, leave the direction of Government wholly to worldly men; but he entreats them to let Christian principles direct them, as being principles peculiarly applicable to politics. We should be sorry to see a minister of the gospel become a politician in the ordinary sense of the word, but we are glad to find political duties inculcated from the pulpit, whence such instruction comes with great force. But as such a sermon as this will be called political, and as the science of politics involves argument, we are glad that Mr. Buller has invited criticism while he has spread his instruction through the press. .