RUSSIAN MANIFESTO ON THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VII, Issue 437, 10 January 1857, Page 4

RUSSIAN MANIFESTO ON THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

The treaty signed at Paris on the 30i.1i of March, in putting an end to a struggle the proportions of which threatened to extend still further, and the final issue 6f vvhioh was beyond human calculation, has re-established international relations in Europe. The Powers who had coalesced against us had taken as their motto, " Resptct for the rights and independence of Governments." We do not intend to enter into an historical examination of the question, nor is it our intention to raise a sterile discussion, but merely to arrive at the practical application^ of the principles which the great Powers of Europe themselves then proclaimed. We wiil not do'any of those powers the injustice to suppose that, now the struggle is over, each individually considers itself authorised to follow a line of conduct suited to its own private interests. On the contrary, we fool convinced that all the Powers have the sincere intention to act according- to the principles they at first professed. Talcing this for granted, we must suppose that it is the intention of sill the Powers who took part in the late war, as it is that of the Emperor, our august master, to nwtke the general peaces the starting point i'or the ro-estab-

lisliment of relations based on a respect for the ri^ht and independence of Governments. Has tins hope been realised ? Are the international relations re-established ?

Without entering into a detail of some secondary questions, we are compelled to state with regret that there are two countries, forming part of the European family, where in one a regular state of things does not yet exist, and in the other where it is threatened to be compromised. We allude to Greece and to the kingdom of Naples. The occupation of the Hellenic territory by a foreign force, against the will of the sovereign and feelings of the nation, is now without any just reason. Political motives might to a certain point explain the violence exercised towards the sovereign of a country, and the necessities of war might be alleged as a reason for such a course; but now, when neither of these causes any longer exists^ it appears to us impossible to justify at the tribunal of equity the continued presence of a foreign force on the soil of Greece; Thus, the first words pronounced by our august master when the re-establishment of peace had enabled the Emperor to raise his voice were clear and pi-ecise. We have never concealed our opinion from foreign Governments, and that opinion we still entertain. We consider it our duty, however, to add that, although the results have not fully answered our expectations, we retain a hope that we shall not remain isolated on a ground where right and justice are evidently in favour of the cause which we support.

As to the kingdom of Naples, if the question be not to find a remedy, it appears to us that it is time to seek a means of prevention. The king of Naples is the object of a pressure, not because his Majesty may have transgressed any one of the engagements imposed on him by treaties with foreign courts, but because, in the exercise of his unquestionable rights as a Sovereign, he governs his subjects as he thinks proper. Y/e can understand that, in consequence of a friendly feeling, one Government might offer to another advice inspired by kindness and interest, and that such advice might even assume the character of an exhortation; but we think that this is the extreme limit at which it ought to stop. Less than ever is it now permitted in Europe to forget that sovereigns are equals among each other, and that it is not extent of territory, but the sanctity of the rights of each which regulates the relations which exist between them. To wish to obtain from the king of Naples concessions as to the internal regime of his states by threatening demonstrations, is to wish to govern in his place, and to proclaim the right of the strong over the weak.

It is needless for us to point out the opinion expressed by our august master on such pretensions. His Majesty entertains a hope that they will not be carried into execution, and he is the more strongly imbued with this hope, as it is also the doctrine which the States, where the principles of political liberty are the more fully developed, have always brought forward. It is, in fact, their profession of faith. You will be careful, whenever the two . questions above alluded to are started at the place of your residence, to allow of no doubt being entertained as to the opinion of our august master eh the subject. This frankness naturally procee Is from the system which the Emperor has f d >pted from the moment he ascended the throne, and this system is not unknown to you. The Emperor wishes to live in good harmony with all governments, and his Majesty thinks that the best means for obtaining that object is not to conceal his ideas on any question connected with the European law of nations. The agglomeration (lefaisceau) of those states who for many years have supported with us the principles to which Europe owes more than a quarter of a century of peace, no longer exists in its former integrity. The will of our august master has not brought about this result. Circumstances have restored to us our full liberty of action. The Emperor has decided to devote, by preference, all his solicitude to the welfare of his subjects, and to concentrate on the development of the internal resources of the country an activity which will not be diverted by external circumstances, unless when the positive interests of Russia shall absolutely require it. Russia has been reproached with isolating herself, and remaining silent in presence of facts "which do not accord with either law or equity, and it is said that Russia sulks. Russia does not sulk—she meditates (La Rtissie tie boude

pas, elle se reoueille). As to the silence of which we are accused, we may call to mind that a short time ago an artificial agitation was organised against us, because our voice was heard whenever we thought it necessary to support right. This action, tutelary for many Governments,and from which Eussia herself derives no benefit, has been laid hold of to accuse us of aiming at I know not what universal domination. We can shelter our silence under the impression of this souvenir, tut we do not think that such is the attitude which belongs to a Power to which Providence has assigned the position which Eussia occupies in Europe. This despatch will prove to you that our august master does not confine himself to this character, when he thinks it his duty to make known his opinion. It will be the same whenever the voice of Eussia may be useful to the cause of right, or when it will not be for the dignity of the Emperor to let the world remain in ignorance of his views and opinions. As to the employment of our material forces, the Emperor reserves to himself his free judgment. The policy of our august master is a national one; it is not egotistical; and if his Majesty makes the interest of his people paramount over every other object; he does not admit that the advancement of those, interests can excuse the violation of the rights of others. You are authorised, &c, GORTSCHAKOPF. Addressed to the Eussian Minister at the Court of &c.

Mails foe Australia.—The European and Australian Royal Mail Company being about to despatch four of their steam vessels to Australia, to take up the regular service of the Australian mails, under their contract with her Majesty's Government, the Postmaster-General intends to avail himself of the departure of these steamers for the transmission of the mails to Australia, instead of sending the mails by sailing packets, as provisionally arranged ; and a contract for this service has been made with the company. Accordingly, the present service of the Australian mails by sailing packets will cease after the departure of the packet appointed to leave Liverpool on the sth October next; and, thenceforward, up to the month of January, the mails will be made up in London, and despatched by day mail, on the following dates, viz:—On the 18th of October, the 12th of November, the 12th of December, and on the 12th of January, for conveyance by the European and Australian Company's packets from Southampton, via the Cape of Good Hope. These packets will proceed to Melbourne and Sydney only, but they will carry mails for all the Australian colonies. All letters, newspapers, &c, for New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand, posted after the sth of October next, will be forwarded by these packets, when not addressed to be otherwise sent, but letters, &c, for Western Australia will continue to be sent, as a rule, by ■ private ship, direct, and will be transmitted by these packets only when specially so addressed. —General Post-Office, Sep. 15.