AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VI, Issue 425, 29 November 1856, Page 3

AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION.

(Sydney Morning " Herald," Oct. 23.). Something more than two years ago a series of letters appeared -in the' Sydney * Morning Herald,' under the signature of * John Adams' respecting' the* federation of the-iColonies of, this hemisphere. The importance of this measure has been demonstrated by experience. Since that time numerous illustrations have transpired of 'the inconvenience, loss, and obstruction which'have resulted from the want of unity in the Australian colonies.. The question of federation is not, however, unattended 'with serious difficulties. Its importance and desirableness is at once perceived—its practicability becomes a question involving many considerations; some which will be T*Jeterrained by time, and others which will -Yather gain additional*strength^by delay. . ' - Whenever the question V>f ' federation shall assume a practical shape, it must be determined where shall be. the seat of federal organization, and where the place of meeting for the Legislature. The perambulating system may, perhaps, for a'few years meet the difficulty £but ultimately^ some definite locality must. be chosen where we must deposit the staff of federal powei\ It isl probable that on the threshold the rival claims of different colonies may create an obstacle not easily, overcome. It is clear the Home Government is not in a position to establish Federal Government absolutely and without the direct concurrence of the colonies themselves. Whatever powers are deposited with the Federation, must be abstracted from' the local Legislatures. Having once confided to their management these powers it would be a matter of complaint were they withdrawn, except by their own consent. In any establishment of, Federal Government population and wealth must both have their , weight. It is quite clear that if Federal Government were established without ■ some balance, giving increased representation to remote .localities, the objection which prompted the separation of all the surrounding colonies from New

South Wales would oppose their reunion under any local Government. The necessity for some federal system has been demonstrated so clearly by recent events, that we presume no sensible man will deny it any,longer. There are quesions superior in moment to all others submitted to the* legislative body, which cannot, be .limited to geographical bounds. The late attempt to tamper with1 the price of land was particularly, objectionable, inasmuch as it would interfere with the system established throughout the whole of .these colonies, and throw every colony inlvidually into a fever of dangerous, and, in the end, useless competition. It would have brought the various land funds down to nothing, and, for a time, placed the colonies' of Victoria jind New Zealand, in relation to New South j Wales, much in the position of rival coachmasters, who begin by lowering the rate, and"go on until they take ,their- passengers for love* and finally crown * their liberality by presenting them with a glorious dinner. All this might be very amusing and exciting during its short-lived continuance, but could not certainly establish their credit, or give any confidence Jji those who dealt with the competing proprietors, .What is true with' reference to % the coaching system, holds good in reference to competition of colonies. They cannot gain Jby each other's ,ruin. Those who trust them when they are ente;ing into wild and spiteful rivalry will only come in for a very small dividend. It is jusi-for the same reason that the interference with the tariff proposed by Mr. Cowper, would be especially reprehensible. We have our commercial system dovetailed with that of every adjacent colony; our capital goes further by the freedom and facility of, transhipment; ,the mercantile houses themselves are to a very considerable extent but co-partneries. Thus, any tampering with our commercial system is not merely to be deprecated as a violation of free trade, and the imposition of a disproportionate burthen, upon labour, but especially ,as a disturbance of commercial confidence, the consequences of which cannot be possibly - foreknown. We have already seen the importance of some arrangement to harmonise the customs of the different colonies. The pressure' of this subject will increase when Moreton Bay is severed from New South Wales. The

absurdity of that separation would be enormously augmented were the rival Governments to thwart each other in every form of petty opposition, or, for the sate' of gaining -a few pounds only, to harass the border trade', and beset the rivers with customhouses and preventive men. We shnll have reproduced all the annoyances and lollies of the Murray River; unless some arrangement be made beforehand,to prevent-such mischief. There are innumerable other points of contact where the interests of the colony unite,, and where rival Governments have ingenuously established points of contradiction and collision. The postal arrangements, the establishment of lighthouses, the formation of courts of appeal, the .means. of common defence, the. formation of great trunk lines of railroad, the establishment of electric [telegraphs—all these are points where the interests of the colonies are one. We are not prepared to say that Tasmania is so deeply concerned. Thus any fellowship which that valuable dependency will accept must be defined by itself, and be of its own seeking. Tt is not at all desirableto thrust upon an island not connected necessarily with the colonie? of New Holland a commercial and political system which perhaps she may not be to prize. Such.aie some of the great reasons for seeking a combination of colonial' interests and preventing that miserable and mischievous .rivalry which will impoverish and

obstruct them all* Were federal government established, its land system would be one; its securities would probably be valued at a higher price ; its power to borrow in the London market would be augmented by its concurrent action ; great works would be simultaneously and unitedly undertaken; the Customs revenue would be apportioned by rules which would approach as near to equality as it is possible to do under a system where the loss and gain of the different * colonies depend upon the vigilance of the police or the expertness of •mugglers. The question, however, remains,bow sbail this federation be effected ? We believe it might be accomplished,'first by the' action of the Home Government. A law should be passed enabling the colonies to enter into engagements for defined purpoees—of course subject to the oversight and approval of the .Crown. Having an enabling law and not a compulsory enactment, they could either allow the power to slumber, or put it in motion at their pleasure. If two colonies ; —say Moreton Bay and New South .Wales —chose to establish a federation, it would be valid so far as their interests were concerned. _ If, acting in a liberal spirit,- the Governments of .New South Wales^ and South Australia co-operate, there can be no question tbat Victoria would speedily joint. At some future"" time, when the federation had grown into its full proportion, the nice points which are now enveloped in some difficulty, would admit of solution. It would then be determinate whether New South Wales, or Victoria, or some other place not yet known to fame should be the seat of the federal system. Or it might ultimately be found possible tocommittoeachof thegovernments the execution of the determinations of the general body, and thus avoid, for a time at least, anything more than the establishment of a mere Chamber of Registration, which might also be a high court of appeal. All,these are points which require elaboration, but nothing is more certain than that it is impossible for the colonies to continue as. they are, isolated and antagonistic-, liable to have their commercial and land systems violently shaken in order that a feeble ministry may realise the political capital requisite to retain them in power.