CENTRALISM AND PROVINCIALISM.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VI, Issue 406, 24 September 1856, Page 6

CENTRALISM AND PROVINCIALISM.

From the ' Southern Cross.' An interesting question was raised in the House of Representatives during the consideration of the Estimates, —whether the expenses connected with the Resident Magistrates' Court should be defrayed by the General, or by the several Provincial Governments.

Our own opinion is strong upon the subject; that not only all the expenses of the Courts but that the salaries of all the Resident Magistrates should be borne upon the estimates for the colony. We have not as j-et heard one single argument adduced to shake our conviction that the administration of justice should be vested entirely in the General Government. Nor is it easy to see how any other conclusion could fairly be arrived at, were it not that the question, unfortunately, has assumed somewhat of a political aspect.

"We hear much dispute concerning centralism and provincialism, but must be permitted to doubt whether clear and definite ideas are invariably attached to those words- For our own part, we believe that the contention between the opposite parties may be resolved into four leading points of difference:—The relative amount of expenditure allotted to the General and to the Provincial Governments; The administration of the Waste Lands ; The quantum of legislative power to be withheld from or accorded to the Provincial Governments; and, finally, the administration of justice.

In regard to the expenditure, we side with the Provincialists. The functions of the General Government, —setting aside native questions, and the administration of justice, are now of little more than supervision ; the general estimates should therefore be cut down to the lowest amount consistent with effectual supervision. It is even not impossible, that by causing the native reserves to become a source of income,, under the operation of the Native Reserves Act, (one of the best bills of the session), the contribution to native purposes from the revenue might be reduced within a, few years to the £7~000 originally reserved upon the civil: list.

In regard to the administration of the "Waste Lands, we are also obliged to side with the Piovincialists. There can be little doubt, indeed, that an uniform system of administration throughout all the provinces, would not only have tended to consolidate the colony, but would have obviated that rival bidding among the provinces for emigrants which has sometimes led to iorgetfulnesa of other equally important considerations; and which,* by the variety of complex regulations introduced, has been the cause of infinite bewilderment among those who have been endeavouring to make choice of a colonial home. Owm°however, lo the widely distinctive character of the te-.tlements, morally as well as physically and geographically, such uniformity has been felt, by all "but a few who hold extreme views, to be almost impossible. The ad\a-itage would be overwhelmed by the practical evils induced. Indirectly the province* have already obtained large concurrent powers of administration ; and the sooner ihey otain them directly the better.

In regard to the quantum cf legislative power to be accorded to the Provincial Governments, we unhesitatingly take rank with the Centralists. It is by means of encouraging dissimilarity of local laws that

a permanent severance of the provinces for all future time "Js hoped to be, effected. This is the wedge by which they are to be split asunder; by which a hexarchy is ultimately to result, in place of six counties of one great and powerful colony. In regard to the fourth point,—the administration of justice, there we take rank with the Centralists again. We protest against the influence of provincial executives upon justice, either directly, by having power to , appoint administrators, or indirectly, by holding power over the salaries. By the very nature of the tenure by which he holds his office—popular election, —a Superintendent will always he looked upon as a< party man. Having fought his way into office, he is supposed to divide the community into two classes— supporters and opponents. And although lie rise superior to such considerations, it is hopeless to expect that the bulk of the community would ever give him credit for it. In every case of alleged judicial grievance, the Provincial Government would alvyays be exposed to the charge of interference; but Nemesis must be placed beyond even the breath of suspicion.

In truth, the Governor himself is the only person who can be deemed free from party sympathies; rightly so, at present; though for a term of years it has been far otherwise.

The answer, cut and dried, which will of course, be adduced to this, is obvious—that the Executive Government is no longer the Governor, but a responsible ministry, which is itself the offspring of party. And we are bound to admit the validity of the answer so far as it goes. But, although the argument cannot be entirely [cut away, it can be pared down almost to nothing. The question is one of degree. Provincial influence is direct and concentrated. That of the General Government embraces a larger range; telescopic, rather than microscopic, it is less affected by local piques and jealousies. More remote," it is proportionably" weaker; in mathematical parlance, inversely as the square of the distance. We have yet another word to urge, which will doubtless give much offence to the ultra-democratic section of the colony. Qf the colony, we say, advisedly; for such, if we may trust to the observation of many years, is not the general feeling of the Auckland province. Justice is the duty— even as mercy, rightly c- titled the brightest jewel in the prerogative, is the privilege of the Crown.