The Lyttelton Times.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VI, Issue 382, 2 July 1856, Page 6

The Lyttelton Times.

Wednesday, July 2. Otjk Readers will doubtless see by the name of the printer appended to this paper, that the Lyttelton Times has changed hands. Though the principles on which it has been hitherto conducted will, generally speaking, be maintained, yet we think that it is due to the subscribers and lo the public to state cislinctlyj the general tendency of the political opinions which we propose to advocate.

It was long ago foreseen that the.fundamental differences likely to arise between political parties in this Colony,.would spring from conflicting interpretations of that poi\tion of the Constitution Act which treats of the relations between the General and Provincial Governments. Unfortunately for New Zealand, Sir George Grey saw fit to call the Provincial Legislatures into action before- he gave an opportunity to the General Assembly to define to a certain extent what the powers of those Legislatures should be. Claims and pretensions have hence arisen which would otherwise never have been heard of. Necessity compelled the Provinces to undertake responsibilities which were

unsuited to them, and detrimental to the Colony as a whole. A large mass of bad and conflicting legislation has already sprung up in the different Provinces. A narrowminded jealousy has arisen between the Provinces themselves : and all in their own sphere are jealous of the intervention of the Supreme Legislature. The disgraceful squabbles which have marked the passing of the Estimates through the House of Representatives, have shewn us how few of our politicians are inclined to consult the interests of the Colony as a whole, how many of them are ready to grasp at any apparent advantage for their own Province. And this conduct has been boasted of by some Representatives as a proof of their devotion to the interests of their constituents, who, for their parts, have been too ready to accept this construction of public duty. The consequence of all these divisions it that there is great difficulty in tke formation of a General Government, strong enough to control the dangerous "freaks of Provincial ambition. In the meantime, the Provincial Governments are going on from step to step, arrogating to themselves powers which they will hereafter be very loth to part with. In many cases they speak and act as if they were petty independent states without one tie to bind them, without one interest in common. No absurdity deters them, —no expense frightens them. Their Governments are shaken by crises such as those} which agitate important kingdoms, and their;' little parliaments mimic the thunders ot' Westminster Hall. ; The head-quarters of Ultra-Provincialism are fixed at Wellington ; but unfortunately the principles advocated by a strong party in that Province have many Representives in every part of New Zealand. The leaders of that parly at Wellington have even gone so far as to hold up American federalism as a good modeljfor % new Zealand Government.. Indeed America is never out of their minds. There is an unfortunate Gentleman described in a well known work, who could never manage to keep King Charles' head out of a memorial which he in vain attempted to complete. We are forcibly reminded of him, when we read the speeches and manifestoes emanating from the class of politicians whom we allude to. Sooner or later America is sure to be introduced. Putting aside every other reason, the respective dimensions of the two countries and the causes from which their institutions arose, would seem to be sufficient to point out the absurdity of any such comparison. But the influence of those who advocate an almost ; federal theory is dangerously great. Poor ! Mr. Dick's monomania was harmless : —we are nit told that, because King Charles' head was cut off, he wished to cut off every body else's head. But there are those who wish to fit American institutions upon us, because they cannot keep American institutions out of their *' Memorials." A nd there are also a large class to whom the old • proverb applies, lomne ignohim pro mirifico'; who, the less the know about American institutions, the more they admire them. As to any fear of measures disproportioned to the occasion, we lave ourselves seen the theory of " Responsible Government, " good in itself, and in its own place, carried to such extreme lengths, that nervous people began to fear that the system would be soon intxoduce.d into their own families.

Now, what we do know about the relations between the Central Government and the States of America is, that they arose from unavoidable circumstances, —'and that some of their greatest statesmen and jurists have lamented the weakness of the Central Government. Whatever powers the American states gave up to the Central authority they gave of their own free -will. There is no analogy between independent states whq unite to form a central federal Government,

jj and a colony to whose Provinces has been ji conceded separate municipal rights. We l\ have seen States, and at this moment we see \a territory in open rebellion against the central Executive authority of America. We have seen general interests sacrificed to the jealousy of individual states; and we can foresee a probable dissolution of the union arising from conflicting principles and interests. We see every day in that country the ends of good Government confused with the means. In the name of liberty we see individual freedom extinguished by mob tyranny. The judicature which in England has been freed from the tyranny of the Crown, —whose independence is the great bulwark^of English liberties, —has fallen [in many states of America under the tyranny of the people ; and at this moment we see their boasted Government prepared to plunge the Union into an unjust and destructive war, to gratify' the partisans of an elected head. We are far from saying that there is not much to imitate and admire in America, but we protest against any application of her theories of Government in a British Colon}', — against the first symptoms of a wish to graft the tyranny of an unbridled democracy on the institutions of a free monarchy.

Those who have paid any attention lo the principles of the Ultra-Provincialistsof New Zealand, will be aware that we are alluding to no imaginary danger. Bui already we are glad to see that a re-action has taken place in favour of more moderate views. Englishmen are in the habit of giving up theory and looking to practice when their credit and their resources are at stake. We have no hesitation in saying that both are at present in danger. Unless Provincial jealousies give way to the public good, there will be great difficulty in forming a Government. We look upon what is called " Responsible Government," as a good Government for Englishmen, but it is only a means towards an end. If we cannot succeed in establishing a good and efficient Government by its means, Responsible Government must go. We still hope that it may succeed, and we hope that every effort may be made to support any Government that shall be established on such a basis. But everything cannot be sacrificed to a theory. If it fails,- it will fail through the Ultra-Provincial jealousies which.have sprung up in JNew Zealand ; and, owing to them, we shall be obliged to confess ourselves unequal to the position which we aimed at. We must not, however, yet despair. We should rather make up our minds to some sacrifices to prevent the necessity of recurrence to a system which has been of incalculable evil to the colony at large. But while we are prepared to oppose any measures which tend to the separation of the Colony into petty independent slates, we are far from ignoring the necessity of local powers in a country like New Zealand. For a long time to come communication with the seat of Government, wherever it may he fixed, will be comparatively tardy and uncertain. But what we want are extended Executive powers, which may be delegated from the Central Executive; —our'danger lies in extended legislative powers. We should be yei#5 sorry to see the over-riding power of the General Assembly provided by the Constitution Act, relaxed in the slightest degree. The members of the General Assembly, congregated from the different Provinces, would, have no interest in interfering with the Provincial Legislation which dealt only with matters of local importance; but it is for the interest of the whole Colony that conflicting legislation on any subject of common interest should be put a stop to. In England, the most accomplished lawyers find it difficult to keep up with the yearly fabrication of statute law—law which, as it is made, passes through the hands of expe-

rienced jurists. What a prospect is open to I the future New Zealand lawyer who, in ad-i dition to English law, will be obliged to bel conversant with every attempt at legislation patched up by the inexperienced hands of Provincial senators ! Multiplication of laws in time is a necessary evil; but let us dl-1 minish that evil"as far as in us lies. In the management of their own local affairs let the Provinces be as free and unshackled as possible, but we hold it to be for their own interests as well as for those of the Colony at large, that they should be restrained from all undue assumption of legislative powers, or of administrative independence of general authority. This is not the time or place to enter into j details. At the time of a change in the management of this paper we consideied it our duty to lay down broadly the general principles to which we propose to adhere ', and we hope that we shall not be thought to have entered at too great length into the consideration of the future policy of this Colony. The higher ( the aim that a people has in view the truer will be its efforts, even in small matters. A man will not step less firmly nnd securely because he has a great object in view. However insignificant the individual may be, still his efforts, steadily directed, may aid in the general good. Every step taken towards making New Zealand one undivided country, tends to wards placing her in a higher rank in that - great empire which is growing up around the mother country. It is the fashion of some men to laugh at the views of all those who are inclined to look beyond present interest's to a future day. For our own part, we are not ashamed to confess that we look forward with hope to a day when New Zealand may be an important portion of a great British empire, with one bead and an Imperial Congress ; —an empire wise enough and strong enough to teach the world that freedom does not lie in the mere idle names of Republic or Democracy, but in the establishment of independent judicatures, in respect for law and constituted authorities, and in that chivalrous loyalty which can alone exist among a free people.

As to details of management, we can only say that we shall endeavour to conduct the Lyttelton Times as it has been heretofore conducted, with moderation and fairness. Our colums will. be always open for our correspondents' opinions on subjects of local or general interest, whatever side of the question they may uphold. We shall reserve to ourselves, however, the right of refusing all letters which cease to be argumentative, and which descend mei'ely to personal abuse. Offensive personalities, the pest of too large a portion of the Colonial Press, have been happily very rare in this Province. As far as in us lies we shall endeavour to prevent their introduction. As we invite the opinions of others on matters of local or general interest, we shall express our own freely and broadly; and we expect, what is seldom denied by Englishmen in any part of the world, a fair and impartial hearing.