FRANCE.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VI, Issue 376, 11 June 1856, Page 7

FRANCE.

( From the Correspondence of the " Guardian." )

Paris, Jan. 21, 1856.—When on Thursday lasi, about the middle of the day, a rumour reached me that "something1" extraordinary had occurred at the opening of the Bourse, and that a telegraphic despatch containing news <f wonderful import—involving, in fact, nothing less than the magical word "■ peace >'—had been officially published, I am obliged to own that an obstinate incredulity kept me in doubt of the happy event lor a full hour and more after I might have bpen assured of it. That we were indeed dans la voiede lapaix, and not without grounds for hope of such a consummation, had been the received opinion of the preceding1 day; but so rapid a march toward the great object of all desires, so near and proximate a realization of our best aspirations, was pretended to have been foreseen by none, came equally as a joyful surprise to all—perhaps to nojn? more so than to the very authoiities who announced it. As to the public, it is hardly too much to make use of the term " intoxication '■' to express the feelings of satisfaction with which the nation

appears to be animated; and it strikes one forcibly that, in this disposition of the French people, the danger to be apprehended in the approaching conferences, next to any attempt by Russia to wriggle herself out of the conditions she has accepted, will be lest our own persistence weaken the bond of union which alone has enabled us to impose those conditions at all. For I hold it to be nearly certain that should the people of this country witness the frustration of their present excited feelings and hopes of peace through the too great pertinacity or tinwilliiisrness of England, not even the power and good-will and influence of Louis Napoleon would long enable the two nations to hold on together. It will be well, therefore, that the British authorities weigh well in the first instance not only what propositions Russia may feel compelled to acquiesce in, but also what demands Fiance may be both willing and able to join with us in enforcing, and thus save us beforehand both from the humiliation of being disavowed by our ally, and from the risk of perilling1 an alliance which alone has placed and maintained both parties in their present farourable position. I say this because I quite share in the strongly prevailing feeling m this country that the conditions now accepted, if they be only fairly and faithfully acted up to, are as complete "and satisfactory as .ill previous offers have been wholly futile and inefficacious ; and because I see and hear all around me—in the press, in private, and in public—expression given to the sentiment that if doubts be still entertained of the realisation of prospects, they are as much owing to the present attitude of England as to the machinations of .Russia, in. the approaching conferences.

Tbe scene at the Bourse on Thursday—to return one moment to so mem srable an incident —was of a most extraordinary description. Few persons appeared inclined to trust an/ other ocular testimony than their own; and having myself fortunately recovered from the temporaryloss of sight which compelled my silence last week, I proceeded, with the rest of the city, to read with my own eyes the official announcement. The crowd and the sensation were such as I never before witnessed, even at the Bourse. People were fighting and struggling to arrive at the hit of paper on which the despatch was written, and peruse for themselves its important contents ; none seemed to go away with less than their own authority for the good tidings, and though satisfaction for the conditions obtained doubtless had its share in their feelings, yet it was clearly the prospect of cessation of hostilities which formed the main basis of tbe general joy. With hardly an exception, the language of the press has been that <if congratulation and confidence. The slight check given to these feelings on Friday and Saturday, chiefly through the instrumentality of English newspapers and English opinion, has again yielded to increased confidence, and now almost all expression of a contrary feeling or sentiment may be said to have ceased. The provincial newspapers repeat the same story from all parts of France. All agree in representing the sensation in the provinces to have been equal to, and of the same nature as, that in the capital. " Everywhere/ we are told, " the news has been hailed with the sentiment of universal joy and satisfaction." Tbe Moniteur is too cautious as yet to put forth the voice of congratulation, but the Government organs are less discrteL The Cunstitutionnel of yesterday contained expressions which are regarded as semi-official, to the effect that " there could be no question as to the temper in which the Governments of France and England would meet propositions drawn up by common accord between themselves and Austria ;" nor could any one of the belligerent Powers be supposed to contemplate escaping from obligations " which it had now become a veritable point d'honneur for her to fulfil." With regard to tiie latter intimation, aimed at Russia, it is still stroniriy felt that, after all, our best guarantee for her good faith lies in the universal malediction, the unanimous indignation, the guerre a I'outrance, which she must be conscious any double-dealing, any attempt to play fast and" loose on her part, would infallibly arouse against her. That is still our best security ; though the need of such, and the value attached to it, speaks volumes for the opinion of Europe of the Power with which she has to deal.

The conversation of M. de Seebach, son-in-law of Count Nesselvode, are represented as being- of the most satisfactory and encouraging chanictcr as regards the real seuliinems of

Russia, since his return here from St. Petersburg. The main object of discussion at the present moment, now that the first excitement of the tidings has passed away, is to ascertain the exact value of the instrument signed, if any instrument has been signed, by the Russian Minister—whether such document is to be regarded as itself " preliminaries of peace," to be immediately countersigned by the others Powers, or only as " basi.-" if such preliminaries, or whether the act of the Russian Government is at present confined to a simple, and perhaps verbal, declaration of acceptance. It seems hardly worth while to dispute as much as has been done here about a point which so shjrt a time must clear up, and which may probably, be no longer doubtful before these lines reach you. But it may be remarked that the Austrian instructions to Prince Esterhazy—a most interesting document, drawn up in an equally firm, careful, and conciliatory spirit, and to which, with the preciseness of the wording of the allimportant Third Point (neutralization of the Black Sea), we may surely trust with some confidence to the smoothing of future differences— these instructions seem to Jay down clearly the course of the proceedings, when they say that by the mere fact of " acceptance '' the propositions "shall acquire the value of preliminaries of peace :" that the " signature s > of these preliminaries shall be immediately followed by an "armistice;l^ and the armistice by " tinal negotiations." Acceptance, signature, armistice, negotiations, appear to be the four steps distinctly marked out; and Prince Esterhazy, in refusing to listen to auy answer in the shape of counter-proposals showed himself too strict an adherer to bis instructions to permit us to suppose him making any deviation in the first progress which he announced to us, viz., the " acceptation pure et simple " of the propositions of which he was the bearer.

Of the two points considered dubious, and on which it is believed here that England is disposed to lay most stress —Bornarsund and the Black Sea Consuls—the solution of ibe latter, and the most delicate, certainly appears to be indicated too clearly in the propositions to admit of serious misunderstanding. It is laid down in the third proposal, that " the protection of the commercial interests of all nations in the respective ports of the Black Sea shall be assured by the establishment of institutions conformable to international rights and established usage in such mattters." Gnn the ingenuity of Russia by any possibility exclude the presence of consular agents from " the protection of commercial interests in ports according to inter-national rights and established usage ?"