English Extracts.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VI, Issue 358, 9 April 1856, Page 4

English Extracts.

GLADSTONE O.V THE COLONIES, (From the •• Guardian-") In his lecture at Clie.ster, Mr. Gladstone dwell chiefly upon the history of the Colonies their foundation and growth, their desirability, and the best mode of government. " The subject of the Colonies." the right hon. gentleman said, " was one of the most legitimale interest to every Englishman :— " One fact would prove this. In 'the middle of the last century iht: American. coloni.tl empire of England was ihe envy and admiration of the world. It was thought lliat nothing had been eeen for centuries at all to co np.ire with it; yet at that time the American population only .amounted to 2,000,000 souls. What was the state of things n;>w ? The single colony of Canada contained a population nearly equal to the whole American States of that time. Look at the subject in another light. There was scarcely a European language of note that was not spoken in our colonies—not merely by families or inhabitants of parlicul.ir districts, hal by irreat masses of the'population. The subjects of the Queen in Malta, and those of the lonian Islands, spt>ke the beautiful 'anguage of Italy. The people of . Canada, of the "Mauritius, of St. Lucia, and other of the West India islands, spoke the language of the French nation. In British Guia'.ia and the Cape of Goul Hope, Dutch was spoken ; Spanish was the language of Trinidad. L-x'k at the matter from another point of view. Consider the great subject of emigration, which twenty or thirty years »s:o was regarded only as a means of getting rid of the offscourings of the pnpula.ion, and was now become a matter of tender and domestic interest to many of the most intelligent and-bast conditioned families in this country. In the fear 1815. the whole number of emigrants who left the >hores of England was 2,000 ;up to 1829 the aveiage number was 20,000. It afterwards mse to 40,000, while in 1854 the total was 267,000. The maximum was reached in 1852, when the mun'osr was 3iiS,oo0 —about 1,000 per day. This was not oniy au increase iv quantity ; its most remarkable feature was the character of the emigrants. For a long lime emigration was only the ! resort of the most necessitous ; now, on the contrary, it was not the needy, but the most adventurous and most intdligent, the most valuable member of society in the sphere in which he moved, who went to seek his fortune in thescdisiant lands. This change iv the character of emigrants was capable at' being ' tested by figures. While it was an emigration of paupers, it was Irish ; hut in the first nine months of the pre>ent year, ending on ilie 30th of last September, while lh:^ lii-h who left tins country were 67,0U0, of English and Scotch 70,000 had proceeded to the colonies." Speakintr of the nv.»:iv{.'S for acquiring colonies, Mr. Gladstone declared his beiiel that the love of guld had beeu the chief original in-ctUMU-.iiit. ' It was this that drew iorih from Italy, from Spain, from France, from England, from P.trittgal, tho.-e men of bold and a.iventurous spirit who crossed the Atlantic, an.l fouiided successfully, iv the midst of indescribable dangers, those e.doiiies wliich had grown isuo <rreat S'.aie.s of Northern and Southern America. They went in search of gold, hut. found comparatively none ; for the colonies of Soul ii America, where it was found in gieatest ahundaticH, were not ly be named now svith those of Ninth America. In'the latter there wa:-., howijv:.'!, the d:-covery of a <41e.il coimiiv— a most extensive fi 'id for tlif devosopment of luiinau :.a<!ustvy in every bianch. 'i'liiis, by the w;-e di'-))!'!is;uions of Providence, the "very tie'usioii-; of tnaukiu't w<-rs: inuiie to snb.-erv' l: . their greatest intuie^ts. i iiis jiiissiou lor gold did a work vvnicii the true idea rcSjJt-ciiu^ co!';!ji«.4tio!i never could iui'e (i.iiic ; for tiioyc ivho wt-nl t" Xorth Anst-rica w;>uM not ha*..l gone ii'i!ic-y had known thsit Un.-y wouid iiav« there b' us<* t'.ie liiti.-hrft. jmhl spadu as in this country. In :■;>!!!•; mind«. there «;ts an idea of the ptopaua !<>n of il,e (i-ispei, but it tiid not appear that, thi- notion \v;;s very happiiv associated vvilii iUt: otlicr, f<»r the love of goid ohuiiued a ur«'at p.epomienuice over the K)iintu;il mojive. Tijere were other moiives which had led in :< dei;re« to ibe promotion o! coloni-t-'Hltoii auro<s tiij Atianliu. Some had saiii it »as to improve tb<; revfiitie of the niutiu-r country, jind in the colonies of Spain they had siD instance of this at the present day. Odiets

thought it was desirable to possess colonies, because they made a large addition to ihe territories of a country. Certainly it \vas> but only when they knew how to make use of it. Again, people'hai a notion thai lor ihe repufaiioii of England she should possess colonies. If it was meant by tills to make a show in the world —for which they had tio substance to correspond—that was not a good reason for the maintenance of their colonial possessions. They should dt-sire 10 appear only what they were worth, neither mure, nor less. (Cheers.) A. more vulgar notion than any of these was, Unit it was desirable to possess colonies, in order "that the Executive Government of this country illicit have the pauonage in their hands ot public situations in the colonies at their disposal. He did not envy the man who thought in the present day that Governments could he carried on hy patronage. It was a feeble instrument to trust to, and very liable to lower the moral lone of those who relied on it. An idea much more prevalent than this was, that the colonies ought to he maintained for the

purpose of establishing an exclusive irade, the whole profit, of which should lie enjoyed by the mother country. Tins was the basis of the modern colouiil system of Europe. The interests of the colonists were attempted to be m;ide subservient to those of the mother country. People were allowed to go to the colonies, but w'liat they made there must be sent to B/itish markets in Briti.-h vessels, and in she raw slate ; for if sent in other vessels it would not be to the interest of British shipowners, ami if in the iniibitinciured state it would not benefit the British manufactures. The question was not whether they should yive a temporary stimulus to trade in the young- colonies ; the trade monopoly of that time was rat her of the nature of a patent, which involved the unjust principle of a monopoly. They thus proceeded upon the principle that a colony should only benefit one country by its trade, and this was .still at the.bottom of many national transactions, and not very long- ago the gruundwotk of our own. It was wrong to suppose that there could be any other benefit, except the benefit of both parties concerned. The fallacy still prevailed in many countries of Europe thai what was lost on tiie one side was gained on the other; the truth, on the contrary, being that what one man gained another gained aiso. (Cheers.) The idea that if other countries were allowed to come in our trade would be carried away, perverted the whole system of colonial government, and it was never supposed there could be a general commerce between Europe and America. England accordingly tried how much of her neighbour's colonial possessions she could get; and in the last century she had the character of being the most rapacious of all the European Powers. Jl certainly was the case that we possessed many colonies which we did not found ; hut nobody else possessed colonies which we did found, with the sole exception of the American States, which were lost by the fault of our policy.

These were the reasons which at different limes had promoted unionisation, and yet none of these reasons were founded upon a good and truthful basis. Why, then, were colonies desirable? ! Both for the material and moial and social , results that a wist; system of colonisation was calculated to produce. It increased trade, and wiiile a man by emigration improved his own wages, he also, by lightenini^ the market, increased the wages o! those who stayed at home. He likewise created a demand for capital in thai colony, and, !>y taking capital, the emigrant created trade between ihe coiony and this country. Trade ini^ht be increased in three ways—by opening new fields in foreign countries, at iioine, or in the colonies. In an increased trade with foreign countries they undoubtedly gained a piolit, Imt were liable to the disadvantage of being hampered by unwise und bad laws in those foreign commies. In the cine of trade with the colonies there was no mic-i danger, bvcause it was under the control and governed i>y the same s\stem of laws as the mother eonntry. Thus, wiilj the coiony they had tr.ide, and security thai it would have its fuli development. In opening new fields at home—as, (or exainjde, when the great inui district that enveloped Glasgow was discovered not many years ago— they obtained trade, security for iis development, ;»iid also the advantage i\ u ' a i),,,sc who carried it on helped u> contnlnne towards the expenses of the Government. i heie could be no doubt, therefore, filial the pos>es*iuu of colonies like those oi England, which were peopled by men who exeicUed a free jtnij-ment in carrying their

labour and capital to what they thought the.-.best market for it, was a great advantage, nut because it created a more profitable trade, but because it gave rise to a great deal of new trade that Would not otherwise have existed. The moral and social advantage of colonies was a very great reason for their possession, for who doubted that our countiy «as blessed with laws and a constitution eminently calculated to benefit mankind ? And what could he more deniable than that we should have the means ol reproducing in different parts of the globe something similar to that country which we so much loved and enjoyed? Mr. Roebuck had said "the object of colonisation was the creation of so many happy Englauds." Coining to the second question—How are our colonies lo he governed ? Mr. Gladstone found a reply in the principle afforded hy the Greeks, as related in the History of Colonisation by the Hellenic race, and which might be summed up in the lei ins '" perfect freedom and perfect, selfgovernment.'' Tracing the history of our own colonies from the golden age in the leigu ot the

Smarts, th'.ouuh the silver ages, just previous m the American war, fi>siov»ed by the brazen age in 1763, Mr. Uladsionn brought it down to 1840, when better things began to dawn. uln this [the brazen} age," he continued, (i the principle was ihat through a foolish and obnoxious interference a generous nature should be prevented from taking her own way, and should he taught to take our way, to perfection. Jhe idea came lo be, (hat it was absoiuiely necessary that from si certain spot in the city of London the local affiiis of the colonies should be directed. It was thought thai we, in England, .must retain in our hands, and on no account give to our colonies, the disposal of the wild lands of the colonies ; that besides the taxes raised by the coionisis themselves to support the local government, we must have another sit of revenues, called Crown Revenues; that we must keep little standing armies in (he colonies at a great expense, and with the certainty of a great decrease in the efficiency of the army. I', was in consequence ot this that the army of England, when on the peace establishment, though small in number, had never, been able to make a show in the field, even proportioned to those teditced i numbers. Another-mistaken notion of colonial policy was that they should he required to establish a civil list—a certain lauge of salaries for their judges, governors, and other officers, as if it was supposed that the colonists would be such barbarians th..t ihey would not recognise the necessity of having government, law, and order. ]f they did understand governme.it, law, and order, they would provide judges and governors for themselves; but if they did not uudeistand them, the way taken by England was not likely to make them understand them. (Cheers.) Another matter was that England established fi>r each colony a certain tariff of differential duties; she used to require the American colony to pay aii extra juice for West Indian sugar, and the West Indiai-s to pay an exua juice for

America') wood, instead of making it an interchange of freedom. Another notion was dint it was necessary for England to nominate a ! legislative council for the colonies, as if she had ■in interest in the regulation of the debates of lite colony separate from the people of the colony. Then, again, we used to interfere continually with iheir laws; their bills worts sent home and

frequently vetoed, though they weie peift-ctly suited for the colonies. Again, we usul to give them iii.''d constitutions-, which lley bad no power to alter, however badly they worked. That was the colonial policy prevailing from the close of the American war until about 1840. And, lastly, we exevcis-.'d patronage in those colonies, appointing in oflicus abroad a set of men who we/c not quite piTsentai le at. home, but who were thought quite good enough to bold offices with substantial salaries in su'iu* colony. How did ibi.-. motlcni colonial policy come into operation ? They inu.st consider, fn>t, of what the colonies consisted—ol three classes, to none of which free institutions would be very useful ; they were slave colonies, conquered eolonie-, aim penal colonies. England had no free colonies then, therefore he was far from gn.aily censuring the statesmen of the time when this sysifin came into vogue. Me thought it was the Janit of the consequence of the American war. 'lfoere. was no man more likely than Mr. Pi It to extend a free system of government to ouv coU-iiies, ' f cirenms'ianet'R were favourable; but they were not, because the colonies were not free, »>hi *m account of the war just concluded. Those w'er6 unavoidable evils and culaiuities. Bui «"*»

were tin; consequences of ih<: policy lie had been diisoribhi" ? He would only mention one—the rebellion of Canada iit 1857 and 1838, when the colonists look up arms to enforce a number of demands, nut iiiiu <>( which w<>uld have been refused by England two hundred years or utie hundred and fifty years before. To say nothing of the strife and biuern<--s caused by this rebellion, it cost England £4.01)0,000 or £5,000,000, and almost immediately alter the rebellion was put down, she began to concede all the demands made by ihe colonists one after aiiiuher, not fiom terror, but because, on looking at them seriously, they .were found to be for the interest of that colony. lis interest could not clash wiiii ours ; the interest ol Enfiand was in the prosperity of Canada, and the be-t way to tlie affections of tiie colonists was l,v doing tliat which promoted that prosperity.. There was only one oilier case illustrating .the consequences of the meddling colonial policy to wl ich he would allude. In Lower Canada the people, who consisted chiefly of b'ruucliui m, resisted us, rose in arms, and were pui down hy our soldiery. .Some time afier, in 1848, a bill was introduced in Canada, culled the Canada Rebellion Losses Bill, the object of which was to give compensation at the public expense to some of those who had suffered losses in the rebellion in resisting the Queen's troops. This would surely be a very bad and dangerous precedent. What effect would it hue on ll'e authority of law and the discipline of the army ii, after rebels had been .put down, they were to be compensated hy Act of Parliament lor their lossts ? But look at it from the rebel?,1 point of view. They said they rebelled fur inatiers which the Government had since decided to be necessary for them. Here was a difficulty, ami he felt it to be so. Many good men thought the bill wns to pass; and England was obiiged to put her di»nily in her pocket. (Cheers and laughter.) The general effect of the continuances of this false system of governing the colonies in Downing-street was to aliciate the hearts of the people from this country. A number of people in each colony, consoling of the Government officers and their immediate friends, and sometime a newspaper or two, called themselves the British party, while all the >est of the community were antiBritish. The little body o! official men, with another little body, of individuals picked out of tiie community, were pulling and tugging one \vav, supported by the British Government, and on the other side was the whole of the community. That was the way in which the colonies liad been managed. N<;w this was all changed, and the principle was l'uhy recognised thai the local affairs of free colonies should be administered by themselves. lie was glad now to discharge a debt of justice, for there were men in advai.ee of their fellow legislators in respect ot the colonies. He mentioned them because lte differed IVnm them in political opinions, and, moreover, as the time of the gnatest political freedom, in the reign of Charles 11., which he had mentioned, was an eminently Tory time, he thought he should render their due to persons of an opposite—namely, a Radical tendency. M r. Hume, Mr. Roebuck,ami a gentleman whose name was only lately added to the list of the departed—Sir William Molesworlh—-had told them tl'e truth respecting colonial government, and at a time when that truth was exceedingly unpouular. They showed great courage and resolution in saying things for which they were looked on at the time as little better than traitors or madmen : but either they were not traitors and madmen then,or we were all traitors and madmen now ; because what they scarcely ventured to utter amid general disapprobation, no man in his senses in the British Parliament now would wish to contradict. Of Sir William Molesworth he must he allowed to say that he h.-d il-e greatest satisfaction in owning the benefit and advantage which, dining many years, lie had derived from communication with him upon colonial questions, and in acknowledging how much he had learnt from speeches on the colony delivered by the late baronet in the House of Commons. He was a man of a comprehensive "'md, of singular diligence and industry, well grounded in the ptinciples of colonial policy, !l|id in the history of our colonies, and full of ivsoJmj,m iU id determination in making his "pinions known, while at the same lime he promulgated those opinions in » manner entirely 'lee from the taint of party spirt, and, not arousing ao-jtiust him hostile objections, he thus greatly increased the benefit which his wise lesearches enabled him to confer on the comniu"Hy. He (Mr. Gladstone) felt perfectly satis-

fied that those speeches wliicli lie delivered in Parliament would, although he was dead and SXiuie, long ctniiniie to be consulted, and his nainc he held in honour on account of the valuable mailer that they contained, nut only with r< feenee to the facts of the colonial question, i f which he was a perfect master, but likewixj with referen :e to the principles upon which ihe gieat colonial empire of this country ouirht to he governed. To him he (Mr. G) wished to pay his dcht of gratitude; il was now come to be understood tii.it the affiirs of Englishmen were best transacted by-Englishmen. Now it was no longer attempted to fence English instituiions in eolonits. Then it would be said, " Don't yon intend to have English institutions in colonies?" Certainly; have them to the fullest -possible extent. The only question was, who wert1 to be judges of their lilness? He said the English were not good jndues whether the laws that were useful in this emniiiy ought to prevail in a colony or not. Their fellow-subjects who inhabited the colonies themselves were the best judges ; -nid, more than this, experience had proved that if they wanted to strengthen the connection between the colonies and this country —if they desired to increase the resemblance and to make Fuglish institutions popular, they must not associate with them the hated name of oppression. The colonies must feel no yoke on their necks ; but let them understand that the relation between them and us was a relation -of affection, and they might rely upon it that a gieat reward would be reaped in the possession of thai affection unbroken and unbounded, and in all the grandeur which it would add to the renown, already so irreat, <>f this conmiy. Defend them (/aid Mr. 0) against foreign aggression: regulate their foreiirh relations; th'se things belong to the colonial connection with this country. Of the duration of that colonial connection let them be the judges. I say, and, moreover, I predict, that if you leave them that freedom of judgment it is bard to say when the day. will come that they will wish, to separate from this great nation. (Cheers.) Depend upon it they ought to have a share of your fame. At present the greatest purchasers of books relating to English literature are Americans. Those who c>>me over to this country visit the places where the remarkable incidents of English history occurred, and unless you make the name of England odious to them, their own disposition is to love and revero it, and that love and leverence is by far the best security you can have for their continuing .lot only to render the Crown allegiance, but that allegiance which is the most valuable of all— which proceeds from the depths of the hearts of men. You have seen something of that in the occurrences of the last year—some of the colonies at the Antipodes offering their contribution to our fund for the relief of the families of the soldiers slain in the war. (Cheers.) This may be called, without exaggeration, tbe first fruits of the system upon which, dining the last twelve or fifteen years, you have entered, of a rational modi; of administration with reference to your colonies. There is so much public, feeling in Parliament and throuuhoul the country upon this subject, that now, I trust, we shall see the constant <--xt<?usiun of these principles; and. for my own part. I shill rejoice in hying lived at a period when a change in colonial government has been brought about which promises much advantage to a country having Mich claims upon mankind as England— a change of system in which we have really made a transition from misfortune, from folly—almost, in some cases, from madness and from crime—to the rules of justice, of reason, of nature, and of common sense." (Mr. Gladstone resumed his seat amid long-con tinned applause)