THE RUMOURED TERMS OF PEACE.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VI, Issue 356, 2 April 1856, Page 5

THE RUMOURED TERMS OF PEACE.

(From the Guardian, Dec. bth.)

After various, articles, pro and con, between the Times and Post, as to the question of peace being once more on the tapis, the latter yesterday admits that Austria is making a move in that direction, and in an article, with all the significance of official type, intimates the terms on which alone Kugland can consent to the renewal of negotiations : —

" Sebastopol is destroyed — the Russian fleets have no existence—the Czir holds nt one foot, of the 'material guarantees'—the Danube is no longer his—the Turks, who dreaded, have learnt, to contemn the power of their great neighbour—and the arms of Kii«],wid and France have virtually solved the ' Cistern qutstinn. It was fur different last year.

" NiT\v, we have only to set up the fact achieved as permanent, and as Innninsj the bases of the principles which must ('■•!• the future rule the destiny of (he East. Under these circumstances, the question of peace comes before us ; and, on our part, it can be treated but in one manner. There is hut one arrangement possible ; and that is one which shall ensure the limitation of Russian ambition, the freedom of Turkey, and the future security of Europe.

"The most necessary condition for the attainment of these ends is the annihilation of Russian power in the Black Sea. Sevastopol must never rise mynin as a menace to the Turk—nor must any Russian Heel whatever be allowed to exist in the waters of the Black Sea. This ib. imne-

rative.. and secures the safety of Constantinople and the freedom of the shores of the Engine. But, if the approach by sea towards the Turks he thus sealed against Russia, the approach by land must be equally made safe from her aggression. The mouths of the Danube must be given up by her, and they, with the Daiiubian 1 nncipalmes, freed from her protectorate, must be secured to Turkey by the most binding guarantees. AH pretension and interference with the subjects of il, e p,, rte , nU st be fully renounced, and other arrangements with regard to the Baltic and the general interests of Europe must he accepted by Russia on terms which, can leave no doubt : , s t o the certain solidity and efficacy of the peace which may be brought about.

' lhese, the outlines of the only terms of peace winch would achieve our objects, are the only propositions which the Western Powers would be justified in listening to—certain as they are that, if not consented to now, another Ciimuaign would enforce compliance. "If the move which Austria is making towards negotiations have for object the attainment of terms so satisfactory as these and if she he ready, as Sweden and Denmark are, to give then- verdict in our favour, anil when need arises, to enforce that verdict—then are the Western Powers bound to give heed to overtures which carry on their face uo uncertain semblance—:io diplomatic chicanery, but which are open, distinct, and honest."

The following remarks on the "Peace Question" are from the same paper : " The report that fresh terms of peace have been proposed either by Bussia or by Austria, and are now under consideration, is now echoed from so many quarters, that we have a right to assume that the.-c is some substantial truth in it- God er rant that there may be ! °

With respect to the terras themselves which are said to be circulaiin? between Vienna, Paris, and London, we have nothingat all on which we can rely with any ap° proach to certainty. Hypothetical sketches of them have appeared in several papers, the fullest and most explicit in the Times of last Wednesday :—.

"We know very well that if the Euxiue were declared a commercial sea, only open to the merchant, ships of all nations, but to the fleets of none—if ihe ports and fortifications mi its noav-is were demolished and dismantled—if the Danube were open to :the commerce of all nations, and its free naviu- ; , t iui» secured by the cession of so nine}] Russian territory as would be required tosru>irantee both banks from hostile interieienee—if the Dauubian Principalities were erected into a State, guaranteed, like Belgium, from the attacks of the Great Powers —if all military or naval establishments on the Aland Islands were to be prohibited, or, better still, if they were given up to Sweden and Norway, we should h.ivi obtained such securities an.l guarantees as would render peace honorable and desirable, and the prolongation of the war alike a folly and a crime. Peril api such conditions are little enon-rli t;> ask ; they are most assuredly the least that would be taken."

It is evident that if terms of this kind are about to be accepted by Russu, she concedes all that she refused at Vienna—ali that we asked there, and much more into the bargain. That the Euxine should be a neutral sea, and that Russia should have no ships of war in it, was the proposal originally made, and instantly and flatly rejected." Then came the " limitation" scheme, which was also rejected; then the suggestions, proceeding from the other side, wlj^ch M. Drouyn cle Lhuys and. Lord John were willing to accede to, which Mr. Gladstone thought afforded a sufficient basis for negociation. and the refusal of which by our own Government, led to the prolongation oC the war. Very fairly, therefore, might those who argued against peace last spring paint now to the advantages which have been reaped by following their advice, and bid us see how much more they have got I'ov vs —at the cost, however, of a great many thousaud Kves. And we should say tVaukiy

—without caring to reopen the question ■who-was right then, and who was wrong— that a peace on this basis would be a good peace, and those who prided themselves in it would have at least the justification of success. It would be an advantage to Europe that the Black Sea should be a sea for commerce only, and it would be easy, and no doubt natural, after having got a better bargain (and paid for it with blood) to turn round upon those who would have been content with a worse. But does it therefore follow that success puts those who played for the higher stake iti the right., and those who would have declined to play for it in the wrong ? Does it follow that, because advantages are gained by prolonging the war, it was right to prolong it for the sake of those advantages ? Of course it does not. The question as to the policy of last spring, if it were to be reopened, would be just the same now as it was then, so far as regards the wisdom of abrupth' breaking off negociations, the adequacy, fairness, and justice of the terms then proposed. All that success would have done would be to prove that those who calculated on it may have been—not even that they were—right in calculating on it.

Now. what is meant by' making the Black Sea a sea of commerce ? It means, of course, that the Russians should have no ships there at all, and that their whole southern coast should therefore be' absolutely defenceless in the event of a war with any maritime Power; for any maritime Power could open the Dardanelles by fair means or foul. We had no right, before Sebastopol fell, to exact this from Russia. It was a chimerical and unreasonable demand. What is more, we have no rig-ht to

exact it from her now. But if she is broken enough to yield it, it is a benefit won at her expense to the commerce of the world.

If, however, this is more than in our opinion was or is necessary for a safe and honourable peace, how much less is it than those requirements which have been continually insisted on during- the last few months ! What becomes 01 the cession of the Crimea r —the conquest of Georgia ?— the re conquest of Finland ?

Ihese remarks are premature, because the whole case is hypothetical and conjectural. But the mind naturally outruns the slow march *oi" events, and in this instance we do bur, follow where others lead. And since it is more than possible that this hypothetical case may he put forward for the purpose of prejudicing the public mind agai-.ist the real terms which our Government ha?, or will soon have, to consider, should they happen (as they may) to fall short of if. we deem it right to say at once what we think of it.