The Lyttelton Times.

Lyttelton Times, Volume III, Issue 135, 6 August 1853, Page 6

The Lyttelton Times.

.;-:,,.■ - „..,,... August,Q, 1853. Had the Canterbury Settlement not been called into existence, it is very questionable whether New Zealand would now be on the point of enjoying Representative Institutions. In fact, so far from there being room •for question, it is, we may assert, nothing less than certain that at this moment she would be acquiescing in a sham and an apology for them. A Council, half nominee half elective, would be guiding her destinies, and presenting to the full development of political freedom obstacles more serious than did ever the Colonial Office in its s*ost flourishing days. Centralization in its worst form would be grasping at power and revenue ; and at the seat of the Legislature an influence fatal to the interests of distant Settlements, either half represented or not so at all, would reign paramount, sacrificing the claims of the many to the pretensions of the few. For in towns are ever firmly established the . centres of political energy and activity.;;and.at, whichever town—either Auckland or Wellington—the ! Assembly met, from that one would the greatest pressure be brought, to bear on its deliberations, and by that one the other Settlements would virtually be governed. Now the evil of centralization is the most serious we have to guard against. To the, localization-of authority within this Province is mainly owing its hitherto rapid . progress. Already we are beginning to experience the evil results of the transfer, -which has virtually been made to a central authority, at Wellington, of the control over the Land and Survey departments. Sir John Pakington's despatch disorganizes everything; the Governor's letter to Mr. Brittan provides for, absolutely, nothing.

Our primary object then is to obtain for the Provincial Legislatures the largest delegation of powers, and to localize every department not immediately connected with the central government. With some of the first founders of Canterbury, afterwards members of the Association, originated the "Colonial Reform Society;" a Society comprising within its ranks men of every shade of political opinion. It is not so much in any positive j measure carried out by that Society that we are to search for any good they effected; it is rather to the wide-spreading influence which the dissemination of the opinions and •views held by its members exercised upon all classes of men in Parliament and out of it—in England and in the Colonies; it is to that influence that we must trace the germ ,of those practical ends which were through their agency accomplished in the revival in favour, of Colonial freedom, and in the granting of Constitutions to New Zealand and to the colonies of Australia. But for Canterbury Mr. Godley had not been at Wellington in 1850: but for him the nominee-representative council then proposed to the settlers would have been adopted by them. Their views on self-go-v.ernment were crude, their theories but half formed. What they did clearly see was that the old system was radically bad ; but they less clearly perceived what substitute for it was the right one. Willing to destroy, they were as yet unprepared to re-construct the machine politic. . From the date of their first organising themselves at the Adelphi Rooms, the Canterbury Colonists entertained distinct views and advocated true principles on matters of self-government. On such subjects their ideas were in advance of those of a large section of old settlers, who had left home ten years ago, when opinions such as those of the present day would have made an old Tory's hair stand, on-end, and have even shocked the most out-and-out Radical for their ultra progressive tendency. This Settlement has been so " puffed" as to have raised unbounded expectations both of its soil and of its men, —of the productiveness of the former, and of the abilities of the latter. It behoves us then to establish in the opinion of the sister Settlements that position and character to which pretensions have been put forth. We are the latest from home, and should belong to an advanced school. Having been once in the van, we must take care that we do not fall to the rear. The choice of men able to maintain for Canterbury its proper influence and due weight in the General Assembly, is a subject which should weigh seriously on the attention of every elector who has at heart the welfare of the Settlement, and who takes a real pride in upholding its reputation; This choice, will, we are convinced, be made apart from every consideration of self-interest, or of personal like or dislike ibr the Candidates, and in thorough forgetfulness of any old grievances. Every honest elector will view his position as that of a man 'ternpdrjirilyiri.office, called upon to perform a great public duty to which, every selfish feeling should give way; his individual desires yielding to the general good. And, as in the execution of every public officer's duty, there should not be the slightest ground for suspecting jobbery, prejudice, I or undue bias. We must find men of influence and position who have the good of the Settlement sufficiently at heart to give up for a while the superintendence of private affairs, from which few can be spared in a new Colony; men not altogether untried in public lifej "and" whose thoughts have in some degree been directed towards Politics. For after all, Politics is a calling and profession ia which, as ia every other, experience

and training are conducive to success. We want men independent in thought, and quick to expound it: able to speak, and willing to act for us: to originate a policy, and to carry it through : men with talent to advocate true principles, and with energy to get them put in practice: men, in short, who will in the fullest meaning of the word, Represent the Canterbury Settlers. There are some such among us ; it is our business to find them. These are the men who will reflect credit on our choice, and do justice to our interests

We regret that we have no space for the entire address of Dr. Featherston. on the occasion of his election to the Superintendency of Wellington. We have, however, selected two passages for extract, which are worthy of every consideration as coming from a man of the Doctor's known liberal principles, and high position arid standing; one referring to the practical benefits which would result from returning the same men to the General and Provincial Assemblies, by which a clashing of interests would be obviated; the other denouncing in eloquent terms the vicious and mischievous system of exacting pledges from Candidates, by which they are degraded from the lofty position of Representatives to become mere tools and puppets, prepared to submit their intellects to any cry however absurd, and to advocate any opinions which may be thrust upon them. We hope the electors of Canterbury will not be seduced by mere electioneering pledges and clap-trap, but will select those men upon whose integrity they can rely for forming a sound opinion upon all questions when they come to be discussed and debated. A man who promises everything beforehand is not to be trusted ; his simple object is to be returned; that effected he laughs at those who have paid him the compliment of thinking him a fool. Such, at least, is the case nine times out of ten; the tenth man sticks to his bargain, and is the fool absolute from the beginning. With these premises we give the promised extracts :—

" In connection with the meeting of the General Assembly, there is one point on which I mast say a few wovils. In my reply to the Requisition I urged the expediency of sending the same men both to the Provincial Council and the General Assembly. I have, however, heard from several of the Candidates that many, for whose intelligence and political knowledge I entertain the highest respect, are averse to this —that they hold, that while it is essential that the best men should be returned to the General Assembly, yet that they should not have seats in the Provincial Council, that in fact any body is good enough for the Local Legislature. Now I must confess myself utterly at a loss to understand upon what grounds this opinion is based. You are all anxious that the General Assembly should transfer the management of the Waste Land, and should delegate all the powers and functions of which it can legally divest itself, to to the Provincial Council, and that it should abstract as little as possible of Local Revenue; and you all agree that in order to attain these objects, it is desirable to send your ablest men to the General Assembly. But does it not iollow that the men who are the most qualified to effect this transfer of power, must be the very men most qualified to use the power when obtained ? Surely the exercise of the power must require a far greater amount of ability and experience, than the mere act of transferring it from one Council to the other! Any man could vote for the transfer, but it is not every man that could use the power for the benefit of the community. But would not the fact, that the management of the Waste Lands, and the control of the Provincial Revenues were to be entrusted to inferior or rather less competent men, afford a very plausible—nay a very strong argument in favour of the General Assembly increasing-rather than diminishing its powers ? It certainly appears to me that nothing can so fully justify the General Assembly in disregarding the wishes of the Colonists, and in reducing the Local Councils to mere Muui-

cipal Corporations, as a determination on the part of the settlers to return to these Councils men of an inferior capacity and experience. " But when, in addition to all this, you consider that in all probability the General Legislature will not meet oftener than once in three years, is it fair, is it reasonable to expect, that your ablest men will commit such an act of political suicide, as would be entailed upon them, if they were to be denied seats in the Provincial Council, merely because they happened to be members of the General Assembly ? There is, however, a .still stronger argument in favour of the couise I have suggested, and it is this :—by the Act the Provincial Council is empowered to legislate upon all, except thirteen, subjects; with these thirteen, the General Assembly can alone deal, but it has also a concurrent or rather overriding jurisdiction over all the Acts of the Local Legislatures, so that it matters not what laws these latter may pass— let them be ever so local in their nature, the Central Legislature can, if it pleases, override and upset them.' Now I know of no way of preventing an undue exercise of this power, and of avoiding collisions between the two Councils, than'that of sending the same members to both ; and I trust therefore that those, who hold the opinion I am combatting, will, before acting upon it, reconsider the question. " There is one other subject upon which lam at issue with many of you. I allude to the practise which seems so much in vogue of making the Candidate pledge himself to vote in particular ways, and to resign his seat whenever called upon by a majority of those who elect him. I am well aware that lam treading upon ticklish ground, but however plausible and specious the arguments usually urged in support of this practice may at first sight appear, I do not think they will bear the slightest examination. For what really is the meaning of [Representative ? Take any definition you remember—take Lord Brougham's which is this—' The people part with and give up their power for a limited period to deputies, chosen by themselves,—those deputies exercising, fully and freely, that power instead of the people themselves.' If this definition be correct, then any attempt to fetter the Representative by i pledges,, or to retain the power of dismissing him before his period of office expires, is clearly I a violation arid infringement of the very principles of Representation. But let me ask you for what purpose you elect Representatives at ! all? Is it not that they may make laws for the peace, order, and good government of the community ? Is it not that they may do that for you in Legislation which you cannot do in your own persons ? This, I fancy, you will all admit. What then is legislation ? Most assuredly it is not a mere mechanical process, but it is a matter of reason. What sort, however, of reason is that in which you first decide and then your Representatives deliberate ? Legislation implies not merely the passing of laws, but it implies a searching and often laborious examination of the reasons, and of the grounds upon which they are proposed. The Representative is presumed to avail himself of the position in which he is placed, to institute inquiries, to collect facts, to make himself acquainted with the best evidence that can be obtained on every measure that'comes before him—to hear conflicting arguments, and, having sifted the evidence, and carefully considered the question in all its bearings,—thsn, but not till then, to adopt the course which he in his conscience believes to be most conducive to the public welfare. The Representative, in short, is sent to deliberate and not to register decrees. What therefore can be more absurd, or more preposterous, than for a body of men, clothed with such grave and responsible duties, to be convened together for no other purpose than that of voting in the way they have been ordered. Under the system of exacting pledges, intelligence, ability, integrity, and experience in public matters, are no longer qualifications for the office, for their exercise is expressly forbidden, under the penalty of dismissal. But hear what one of the profoundest writers and statesmen that England ever produced said upon this very subject. If I remember rightly it was in his letter to the Sheriff of Bristol that Burke used these words,- —' It is the duty of a Representative to sacrifice his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to his Constituents ; but aboveall, ever and in all cases, to prefer their interests to his own ; but his unbiassed opinion, his niaturer judgment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to any set of men living.*