AUSTRIA AND THE UNITED STATES

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 75, 12 June 1852, Page 2

AUSTRIA AND THE UNITED STATES

For some time it appeared to be doubtful how far the American Government would recognise and encourage the reception given to Kossuth by a large majority of the citizens of the Union. In spite of the increasing enthusiasm of public meetings and municipal bodies, the Executive had manifested singular reserve, and seemed to admit the distinction between affording security and protection to a political refugee, and espousing the cause of which the Hungarian exile was the leader, and still remains the representative. It would have been perfectly consistent in the Legislature of the United' States to have given M. Kossuth a passage in an American ship of war, and to have assisted him, and his more needy fellow-suffer-ers, with funds voted by Congress, and yet to have abstained from any public act which could have been construed into disregard of the obligations imposed by the friendly relations still subsisting between the Cabinets of Washington and Vienna. Such .-a course has often been adopted by European Governments, and does not involve any dereliction of principle or inconsistency in action. From the cautious behaviour of Mr. Webster, it might therefore have been inferred that the Government of the Union would have teen able to follow European precedents on the present occasion, and that the rights of public hospitality would have been fulfilled without placing the United States in a position of antagonism to Austria. But, indeed, American history is not wanting in examples of the manner in which these duties may be performed without at the same time transgressing the rule of conduct imposed by international obligations. At former periods, the United States have sheltered political refugees of every class and country. In more recent times, America has offered an asylum to the Democratic leaders of both the German and Italian revolutions; but, until the present moment, no attempt has been made to identify her with the cause of those who have accepted her hospitality. On the present occasion, there has been a singular departure from the rule observed in every previous case; for the American people have received M. Kossuth in a manner in which they never before received any stranger —not excepting even Lafayette, the fellow-soldier ef Washington and the champion of American independence.

The New York journals teem witn prolix accounts of processions and speeches made in honour of Kossuth ; while every public body and association in the country, eagerly and rudely, presses for the honour of an interview with the popular hero. The latter, though worried almost to death by the number and the zeal of his admirers, continues to speak with the same dexterity and power which he displayed in England. The heroism of the exDictator was never before exposed to so severe „a trial; for he has already had.to endure the awful prolixity of a considerable per-centage of what Mr. Carlyle terms " twenty millions of the greatest bores in existence.'' So long, however, as the "reception" was confined to such proceedings, the Legislature was in no way responsible for the denunciations of Austria in which popular speakers so largely indulged. The opinions of private individuals, however violently expressed, cannot commit a Government, and as no subscription had been opened by the wealthy New Yorkers, for the cause of Hungarian independence, the manifestation was only to be regarded as one of private sympathy and admiration, although very much obscured by the vulgar and offensive curiosity by which it was accompanied. At length, however, the subject was brought before Congress, and we learn that, after a prolonged discussion, it had been determined by the Senate to grant a public reception to Kossuth. It is not necessary to inform our readers that the American Senate, by its constitution and its practice, is little likely to be swayed in its decisions by a popular movement in any single State of the Union. It never anticipates, but often checks and moderates, the violence of public feeling. Yet in this assembly resolutions were carried, by an overwhelming majority, in favour of granting peculiar honours to" the Hungarian exile, as the victim ol European despotism and the champion of European Republicanism. The fact in itself would be of no great importance but for the inferences which may be fairly drawn from it; and the distinctions or emoluments which congress in its wisdom may confer on Kossuth, can immediately have no other result than a mere feeling of hos-

tility between two States who are nearly out of hostile reach of each other. Unwise as it may be to create an irritation of which the effects will onlybe felt by merchants and travellers, there would be nothing dangerous either to Austria or America were diplomatic intercourse between them entirely to cease. But the vote of the American Senate, and the speeches which preceded it, indicate a signal change in the policy of the United States in its dealings with foreign powers. The young Democracy, in the insolence of its strength and its prosperity, has begun to feel'that it has " a mission." The wise maxims of Washington are no longer respected ; and America is become ambitious of the dangerous glory of intervention in the affairs of other countries. We are told that the principles recommended by the founders of the Republic served well enough before " the infant Hercules 5' had developed its strength ; and intervention in favour of Republicanism is now suggested as the legitimate expression of the " progress" of the United States. If such doctrines were adopted in practice by any nation, however powerful, they would inevitably bring upon it the most condign punishment; but it is nevertheless painful to observe that the sound principles laid down by the old school of American statesmen are so completely discarded by their descendants. By the resolutions referred to, the American Legislature entirely abandons the position of neutrality, with regard to the domestic disputes of foreign States, which it is incumbent upon the Government of a friendly Power to maintain. Congress, in receiving Kossuth, receives one who has been, proclaimed a traitor by Austria, and the sympathy of that assembly rests mainly upon the fact of his having attempted to establish a form of Government analogous, in name, at least, to that of the Union. Such acts are obviously incompatible with friendly relations with the Cabinet of Vienna; and we would ask whether the United States are prepared to push their principles still further, and to support," by Congressional action," the cause of Mazzini and Ledru Rollin?

At present, foreign politics are the popular subject of political excitement in the United States; and it is easy to understand that, for electioneering purposes, such topics are far more convenient than any other topic which could be selected for popular declamation. In the approaching Presidential election, much use will be made of the part taken by America in the liberation of Kossuth; and this is no doubt the reason why so many of the leading statesmen of the Union have manifested such an alacrity in departing from the traditional policy of the country. But, after giving full weight to such considerations, we must still recognize the fact, that a great change has come over the people of the United States, and that they are now excited by the ambition of making the power of America felt in Europe. The triumphal progress of Kossuth, and the homage paid him by all classes in the Republic, will not fail to stimulate this feeling, and to mark more distinctly than has yet been done the antipathy subsisting between Republican America and the despotic countries of continental Europe. Formerly, the national ambition of the United States was only evoked when there was a risk of a quarrel with England, or when there was a prospect of accomplishing a gigantic act of spoliation at the expense of the effete descendants of the Spanish conquerers of Mexico. But they professed to abstain, and they did abstain, from embroiling themselves in European politics. They culti° vated the friendship of the Austrian people, and they took little heed of the constitutional resistance offered by the Hungarian Parliament to the Emperor. But, since the revolutions of 1848, a different policy has been followed, which dates from the time when the President, in the most unjustifiable manner, sent an accredited agent to the insurrectionary government of Hungary. We shall not assert that the foreign policy of Mr. Webster has been undistinguished, but it may fairly be asked whether the conduct of the Government at Washington, either with reference to Anstria, or in the late differences with Spain, is likely to impress foreign nations with a high admiration of the decorum or honesty of the Executive of the model Republic ? Nor is it to be anticipated that the objects of American sympathy will be benefited by demonstrations in the United States, or by an Hungarian loan ; for an active intervention is the surest way to prejudice the cause which itis attempted to promote. A political cause which leans upon foreign assistance seldom

prospers. If it be the desire of the Americans to extend the sphere of American opinion, and to forward the adoption of the principles of selfgovernment, they may rest assured that those ends will be most effectually served by strictly persevering in a system of non-intervention. The example and "the influence of the Union have already produced no inconsiderable effect upon European society, and it will continue to increase, so long as a country of unlimited^ strength, and resources, and governed by the most popular institutions, persists in abstaining from the crimes and follies of war, whether committed from mere territorial ambition, or for the sake of political propagandism. The United States are beyond the reach of enemies. A war must be of their own seeking ; but it is an evil symptom thet so many of their ablest leaders do not hesitate to encourage the national vanity and to inculcate the possibility of au intervention in Emooe.—Jforning Chronicle.