The Lyttelton Times.

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 73, 29 May 1852, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times.

May 29, 1852. Mr. Godley's letter, which our readers will find in another column, awakes much curious speculation upon the prospects of the settlement. That for which we have been craving for so long, we are reajly to have. Before next Christmas, probably New Zealand will enjoy representative institutions, and the province of Canterbury its share of the prize. But, more than tins,

the Canterbury Association will, in all probability, relinquish its powers, and put an end to the anomaly of an imperium in imperio, of which it is at present an example. We shall not dilate upon the advantages to be reaped from this policy; they are patent and manifold. -We rather turn to the consideration of the course which it may be wise for the colonists to adopt, preparatory to entering upon the exercise of those privileges and responsibilities, of which they are so soon to become'Jthe recipients ; and the present aspect of the public mind the more urgently calls for such consideration. Assuming the intelligence which Mr. Godley announces to be correct, assuming that by the end of the present year, we shall be restored to the rights of a free people, it would seem in the first place, to be wise that we should in the mean time avoid anything like political agitation. We mean political agitation for the purpose of compassing any definite objects. It would be wise that we should cease for a time to complain of grievances which we are assured will strictly be redressed, or to struggle for remedies which are about to be applied. Should we not, rather, meet the promises held out by awaiting their fulfilment in a generous and confiding spirit. We know it may be said, that colonists have often been betrayed, that the promises of governments, and of leaders and parties^ in the State, have often been broken. But at the present time, there are considerations which co-operate with these promises to demand our belief in their accomplishment. Earl Grey's impossible paper Constitution, scouted by the {[unanimous voice of the Colonists, returned upon his Lordship's hands by Sir George Grey, and hurriedly suspended by the Imperial Parliament, still looms over the Colony. The operation of the Suspension Act will cease next March; no one has the least intention that that constitution shall ever become law; there are, therefore, but two probable contingencies. If the attention of the Imperial Parliament be wholly engrossed with home politics, it is possible the government may attempt to pass a new Suspension Act, leaving matters in the same state as at present, for a year or two longer. But this is rendered highly improbable ty the great strength of the colonial party, by the increasing unpopularity of the Colonial Office in Parliament, and more than all, by the great advance of knowledge upon Colonial questions which has of late taken place among the English people. Some legislation is inevitable; and the history of Colonial Government during the last few years, is of itself a sufficient ground for the expectation that that legislation will be in a right direction. For once, therefore, we may anticipate with confidenca the fulfilment of our hopes. Actuated by these considerations we conceive that the wisest course, which the Colonists can adopt for the next few months, will be to fix their attention upon the coming changel —to prepare themselves by every means in their power for working the new system —to reflect and consult upon their real wants, and upon the manner in which q, Representative Government may be able to satisfy them, and especially to find out beforehand the men whom they will elect

as their representatives in [the first Council of the Province. Now for these purposes we can conceive no fitter machinery than the Colonists' Societies which are in the act of formation at Christchurch and Lyttelton. If the news which the " Stag" has brought had been known before hand, there could not probably have been devised any better .opportunity than that which these societies §v{\\ afford, of attracting the attention oi^'he people to the consideration of public matters and of thus enabling them to prepare themselves for the duties which they will shortly be called on to fulfil. Viewed in this light, to abstain from these societies ought to be regarded as a public disgrace. The man who refuses to work with his fellow citizens in consulting for the , public good, ought surely to forfeit his title, to public confidence, and to resign all hope of being entrusted with political power, as a representative of the people. We do not say this will be so ; it all depends upon the character which the people choose to give to these societies ; but if they are such as we contemplate, ought it not to be so ? The chief responsibility lies with the upper classes. The precious gifts of leisure, of education, of learning, were not given by God for selfish enjoyments alone: and there are times when men who will not bring their share of learning and intelligence to the common stock, are traitors to the commonwealth. It is a false idea that Englishmen of the working classes do not like to be instructed and guided by .those whose circumstances in life have enabled them to acquire knowledge. All that the poor man dreads is lest the greater knowledge of his superiors should be used as an engine of oppression for the maintenance of ' Class privileges. Those' who know the working men of England.,best, know, iiow deeply they respect'the power;of knowledge, when they have the confidence that it is united with integrity of purpose. But it is also true that if the upper classes will not take the place which Providence has assigned to them in the commonwealth, the, mass of the people will not thereby be debarred from thinking and speaking—deserted by those who ought to have guided them, they will endeavour to work out the. social problems in their own way, and should their method be crude and violent, should their conclusions be erroneous and mischievous, let the blame fall upon those whose neglect has wrought the evil. Of this we may be certain,- —nor forms of Government, nor abilities of Governors, are ■the things which chiefly determine the happiness, the prosperity, and. th& greatness of a nation. These result from the character of the people. It is the capacity of working a system, however bad, which preeminently distinguishes the Anglo-Saxon race. To form a national character is the greatest ambition of the greatestmen.v, : Jt/is a work in which the philosopher, the stnle.sman, and the theologian have all a share, and',;in which the poorest in a community can assist. Let this be our task. In the pause which must elapse before our admission into the fellowship of free states, can we not do something - towards this end ? By taking some few hours from our time of leisure can we not meet and learn to discuss soberly,.calmly, and truthful-'. ly, the social and political questions whichAvo must soon deal, with practically, gaining from each other fresh accessions to our own store of knowledge, and learning to respect opinions with which we do not agree. Above all, may we not do something to set up and maintain a high standard of rectitude amongst public men, learning to discriminate between honest counsellors and those who would make a trade of politics —to know the one—to scout the other. This is a high idea for the Colonists' Societies. Hony nearly will they approximate to it ?

To the Editor of the Lyttelton Times. Sir, —I think it due to the people of this settlement, that I should make public the reason which induced me to tender my resignation to the Managing Committee of the Canterbury Association, and the grounds upon which I have now determined to retain my office for. the present. When I -accepted that office, I was under the i-Js^pressioii that the London Managing Commft^e, though of course formally paramount, would practically leave the administration of affairs in the colony to their Colonial Agent, controlled (as he is controlled to a certain extent) by the public opinion of the colony. I need hardly say that I never thought this would have been a good arrangement, but I - did think that, however defective in theory, it would have been just tolerable as a make--1 shift, until better institutions could be established. As soon, however, as I found that the Committee took a different view of their duties and responsibilities, and thought (very naturally and properly, no doubt) that the management of affairs ought practically to be kept in the hands of those who were answerable for it to the Crown and the public, I thought it necessary either to obtain a pledge that there should be a speedy and radical change in the system, or (if that were not contemplated) to disconnect myself from it altogether. I did not choose to be. an instrument in carrying out plans of which I might or might not approve ; which, at any rate, neither the colonists nor myself could have any effectual means of influencing ; and of which we could, rarely become cognizant, until they were finally settled. I therefore tendered my resignation; at the same time offering to assist, so far as I could, in carrying any change which might be determined upon into effect, and expressing my belief that, under the circumstances, ["I could make myself as useful to the colony in an unofficial: as in :an official capacity. I have just received the.Committee's reply to my letter of resignation, and I am bound, to. say that nothing can exceed the frankness and good feeling with which the questions raised by me have been considered and met. While '■ the Committee justify the manner and, extent of their interference with local affairs, they express in the strongest terms their consciousness of the extreme evils attendant on distant Government, and their i-egret at having been (as they conceive) compelled by their position to endure and inflict them. The most important part^ however, of the Committee's communication consists in the announcement that it is their intention to apply, during the present session of parliament, for an- Act which shall transfer their functions to • the Provincial Government about to be constituted. Some constitutional legislation for New Zealand there must be this session, and there is every reason to hope that it may confer upon us ; tolerably complete powers of local .self- ■ • Government.- At any rate, the Canterbury Association ;is pledged to an immediate abdication of its anomalous powers, if Parliament will allow of such abdication upon . proper terms. The Committee have requested that during the interval which must •'elapse before the proposed change can be effected, I should continue to hold the office of their Agent, and it is impossible under the circumstances which I have stated, I should refuse to comply with that request; a request which is the more gratifying to me, and the more creditable to them, inasmuch as it is made notwithstanding the existence of a difference of opinion between us upon many points of detail connected ■with the management of the land fund. ■ I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, John Kobert Godley. Lyltdton, May 25, 1852.