PUBLIC MEETING AT CHRISTCHURCH.

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 72, 22 May 1852, Page 5

PUBLIC MEETING AT CHRISTCHURCH.

[Continued from our last week's paper.] We were only enabled in our last to give a summary of the meeting at Chvibtchurch on the 1 lth inst. In accordance with our promise we now publish a full report of the proceedings and opinions of our Plain friends. On the chairman, Mr. Tancred, resuming his seat, Mr. Packer, in moving the first resolution, said :—lt affords me much satisfaction to see so respectable and numerous a meeting: it is an answer to the objection raised against our first attempt —that there is an unusual degree of apathy felt on the subject. It is more than probable, that this being an agricultural district, it was an inconvenient time to hold a meeting in the middle of the day; and evening being more suitable to all parties, it has resulted in a good attendance; and though we are not first in the field, as from our advertisement we ought, to have been, and Lyttelton has taken the start of us, yet there is no reason why we should not make a good second. You have heard from the chairman, that in consequence of the decease of the Land-Purchasers' Council, it is intended to form a society of the colonists, to include all parties that are interested in the welfare of the settlement, so that by unanimity of opinion we may gain attention to our just demands in the proper quarter on matters that concern the general interest. I sincerely hope the subject will be entertained by us. I therefore move—" That it is expedient that a Society be constituted, to be called the Society of Canterbury Colonists, for the discussion of all subjects of public interest." Mr. E. J. Wakefxetjd said, I have great pleasure in seconding the resolution. Let me first advert to the appearance of this numerous and respectable assembly, which sufficiently proves that the failure of the meeting intended to be held this day week was really owing, as had been surmised, to the selection of an inconvenient hour, noon, and also to the fact that the notice calling it appeared without a single name appended to it. I hope I shall be excused if I attempt to point out the advantages which we may reap from the proposed organization. The avowed objects of the proposed Society will be, I imagine, to collect and spread-a knowledge of the capabilities and resources of our adopted country; also a knowledge of all other matters of public interest to the inhabitants; to discuss all these things, so as to elicit from each one whatever he can contribute, of learning or talents, to the public good—and no man is totally devoid of some qualification 'or so doing;—and to correspond with the bodies which have been formed in the neighbouring colonies for similar objects. The real effect of such a Society will be, —to make us know more of each other, and thus do away with any suspicions between classes, and to enable us to appreciate each other, and learn who are the men amongst us possessing the qualities which entitle them to our confidence as leaders in cases of emergency. But, especially, the effect will be to ascertain, so that it cannot be doubted, the opinions of the colonists, whether they are satisfied with the laws under which they live, and the manner in which they are governed, or, if they be not satisfied, what kind of laws and what nature of government they may think best adapted for developing the resources of the country and the powers of its inhabitants, so as to produce the most heal by and vigorous advancement of the coloivy. And. when I consider the expression of public opinion to be the maiu object of the proposed Society, I cannot help glancing at that political condition, or rather political non-exist-ence, which has hitherto rendered difficult the expression of the opinion of this community. We are here met together, a body of Englishmen, because we feel a serious want. About a year and a-half ago there began, and has since proceeded, the planting here of a people specially English in everything except their political institutions; men, women, and children, bringing with them English domestic animals, tools, and ways of tillage; planting English seeds, trees, and food in the ground; with English manners, tastes, and habits ; and practising the religion to which they had been used in England; reading English books and printing English newspapers ; and following English pursuits of all kinds. It would be odd if, with all these, you had not brought out an Englishman's attachment to his native coimtiy and name, and an Englishman's loyalty, that is, obedience to existing laws, and submission to establishod authority; but also an Englishman's freedom of thought and speech, bis earnestness, prudence, and public spirit. Therefore you have brought out the capacity of Englishmen for forming a good opinion on your own public affairs, and for managing them better than any individual or body of persons in the w. rid can do it for you (cheers). But you suddenly find, that there is no machinery here, for so giving your opinions, or managing your affairs. There are no

vestries, no corporations, no parliament here j no elections of any kind. We have left these thing; behind; we appear to have lost the traces of them ; indeed we know that we are prevented by law from having them, with the authority to enforce our wishes. All is done for us by two men : Sir George Grey and Mr. Godley. We have no voice in the smallest matters. The only difference between these two is, that Mr. Godley is always on the spot, and does what the colonists wish when he can ; while Sir George Grey is always away, and I think I may say only sometimes professes to do as the colonists wish (laughter). There is here no representative body, checked by public opinion. The nearest is the British Parliament: and we have no votes to elect any of its members; while it takes a year to obtain a reply, should it deign one, to our petitions. Some of you, doubtless, have had votes at home ; or your friends had ; you can all at any rate appreciate the advantage of a representative system, where those who make the laws are chosen by those who pay the taxes. You are perhaps startled to perceive the difference here, very likely even annoyed. Others, like myself, who have long lived in colonies, are well aware of the fact and accustomed to it. It is twelve years since 1 saw the first body of colonists land in New Zealand. At various times since that several communities have come to different spots in it, each hoping for, each believing they were to have, political institutions similar to those of the old country. Some thought it unavoidable that they should bring the rights of English subjects with them: to others these institutions were promised before they started by the Colonial Minister of the day : to some they have been promised over and over again by the Governors of the country : but to all they have been ever denied under one pretence or another: or sometimes, worse still, a sham has been offered instead, as, for instance, the Provincial Councils' Bill, which you so unanimously refused a few months ago, (cheers). But although, as I have said, the old colonists are nsed to this state of things, they are far from being satisfied with it, or wearied out by the continued denial of their prayers ; still less are they converted to the opinion, professed by some people, that colonists are best ruled without being consulted. I think it a melancholy and humiliating reflection, that 12 years have been lost, during which English men with English institutions might have done so much more, and that there are now about 25.000 of us still governed so as to damp our energies. While it is so, however, we must even bear it; but we may at the same time look out, not only for help from others, but how we may best help ourselves. Let us, then, survey our position. What have we instead of the English institutions which we desire 1 We have five different powers making laws for us, and governing us, affecting our most vital interests—life and property, — and generally without even asking our opinion. I mean, Parliament, the Colonial Office, the Canterbury Association, the Local Government (that is, Sir George Grey), and the Agent of the Canterbury Association. We see the results of all this legislation and government in the shape of Acts of Parliament, Orders in Council, Ordinances, Proclamations, Regulations, Notices, &c. &c. These five powers are not always agreed in what they do : they are often very inconsistent; and there is a vast deal of confusion in consequence. For instance, even a good law, made by the Governor here, is often upset a jrear afterwards by the Colonial Minister in England. At another time, the Association and the Government make different laws, as in the case of pasturage licenses, for adjoraing parts of the same district. All the five powers, however, often profess a desire to consult the opinions and wishes of the colonists. At other times, they profess to be actuated by some information as to the wants of the country, which they allege to be more correct than that put forth as the opinion of the colonists. There are therefore two reasons for taking care that the colonists' opinions should be openly and thoroughly ascertained, and then clearly, and, if possible, unanimjusly expressed. First, when the desire of our rulers is sincere, that they may not err through unavoidable ignorance : secondly, when the desire is assumed as a mask for other motives, in order that they may have no excuse for ignorance, or for treating the opinion of the colonists as not their opinion. • And moreover it is oicen necessary to expre.-s their wishes, when those wishes are not even nominally considered. The colonial minister recently instructed Sir George Grey to ascertain the wishes of the colonists as to a law with regard to old claims for laud. A deputation of fke or six persons, well known not to represent the Wellington public, waited on bis Excellency, and had a conversation with him, and soon afterwards a memorial, embodying particular views, was drawn up. That was the Governor's way of ascertaining the colonists wishes On a recent occasion here he wished, to ascertain the colonists wishes as to the Sumnerroad. From hurry, or some other cause, he adopted a ni.:st imperfect way ; he called the •' meeting of magistrates and others," which of course had no claim to represent the community, and whose opinion certainly did not agree with that of a Lirsre portion of it. (Cheers.) On another occasion His Excellency put forward liv Legislative Council as repvescntiuj

the opinions of the colonists, in order to influence the Colonial office and Parliament in their legislation. I think that this was even more ahsurd than giving that character to the "magistrates and others. (Laughter.) No body of men really representing the New Zealand colonists generally, would have sanctioned ais Excellency's ungenerous attacks on this settlement. (Cheers.) No such body would have tried to excite against this settlement, by such unfair means, the jealousy of Nelson and Otago; no such body would have laid at the feet of her Majesty an address containing so many and such gross mis-statements as those made by the Legislative Council in that address. (Cheers.) Again, the colonial office often misrepresents to Parliament the wishes and wants of the colonists. It has even been known to mangle the correspondence of colonial Governors, so as to show only one side of a question to the House. It is by such manoeuvres as these that it sometimes succeeds in attempts, like the one so luckily foiled last session, to impose a debt of £260,000 on this colony, for the benefit of the New Zealand Company. The Canterbury Asssociation, too, may profess to obtain power for the colonists, and yet keep it for itself. Their agent may dissent from the views of the colonists, or ignore the subsciibers to a memorial. I do not speak of the present agent, but of the next, or of any other agent of the association. Ido think it very likely that the Managing Committee, with which we are threatened, may seriously disagree with the colonists, and perhaps misrepresent their opinions. (Cheers.) Moreover, in other settlements, jealousy may prevail against us from untrue reports, whether by individuals or high officers of Government. Sir George Grey might have succeeded in making the Nelson and Otago colonists our enemies instead of our friends. (Cheers;) For this want, so long and often felt, in English communities deprived of English institutions,—the want of a vehicle for public opinion,—many remedies have been devised. What are those which have been devised in New Zealand ? At Wellington, public meetings and the press were the first means which suggested themselves. But unless the occasion be a very important one,.it is difficult' on short notice, to gather the public together; and thus many smaller evils pass by unnoticed. Even in the most important matters, there is generally a great deal of energy and zeal just before and during the meetings, but a corresponding apathy and indifference during the intervals. There is a great danger, too, of the influence of mere moboratory, uncombined with practical usefulness in details and habits of business. There is much hasty action, and little deliberation, in the acts of most public meetings. As for the press, it is difficult to secure it as the perfect organ of a community. It generally prefers to lead opinion if it can. It seeks to instruct more thin to record. It is very apt to becon-.e the voice of a party, or of an individual. Within late lears, they established at Wellington the Settlers' Constitutional Association. Any one who pays a yearly subscription of half a crown, and is approved at a general meeting, can be a member. lam a member myself. I will tell you what I believe to be the defects of that society. When it was formed, the contest had already lasted long between the people desiring free institutions and the rulers denying them. Profuse Government expenditure had created an obstinate but lazy minority. The Association became, instead of a general assembly of the people, an organization of the majority only. All subjects are rather declaimed upon than discussed, by the eloquent and influential speakers on one side ; and the resolutions which they have framed and advocated are passed without opposition or comment. Their opinions are not confronted with those of the "minority, which has no organization of its own, and which, consisting chiefly of well paid officers and their friends, is instructed not to engage in political warfare. The proceedings are therefore deprived of that vitality which the presence of an opposing minority would give them. Thus the Governor treats the majority, however large, as a " faction." Its manly protests against abuses, its numerous petitions for redress, its admirable exposures of ths various tricks in despatch— writing, by which the Governor continually misrepresents the real state of affairs, are described by him as. unworthy of notice. He describes their petitions as coming from " a Mr. John Dorset, and a few discontented people calling themselves the Settlers' Constitutional Association." He vilifies them as " Americans, aliens, runaways, and disappointed applicants for office." (Laughter.) And even if one of their ceaseless complaints happens to find its way into Parliament, the Colonial Minister or his lieutenant echoes the scornful words of his Excellency's "" official," _ and therefore of course authentic letters. The Association has been of signal service to the colonists ; but its efforts have certainly been weakened by the above causes, At Nelson and Auckland, the only vehicles of public Opinion have been public meetings and the press, open to the same objections as at Wellington. At New Plymouth, there has been no press even to report pubiie meetings when they had any, and consequently grievances, suffered through the encroachments of the natives, have hardly found their jvay to the ears of persons not Jiving there. At

Otago, they have formed a Settlers' Association, open to all who pay 2s. 6d. yearly. It meets once a month, and appoints Committees to inquire and report on special subjects. But two parties already existed when the society was formed, and the very small official minority retired on the first show of political discussion. The society remains as at Wellington, an organized majority, and is of course similarly vilified by the lazy and insignificant minority as a " faction." Here, we have had public meetings and the press, and the Society of Land Purchasers. I need hardly say that the Society only represented one class (cheers); and that it has been so treated by our rulers, when it was convenient to them. Sir George Grey's first letter to the Council, remitting the customs' duties on their baggage, treaced them as the colonists ; but when the Council addressed him about the public appointments, the Colonial Secretary hinted that he did not quite understand what the society was. On the other hand, when the wish of the public has accorded with that of the society, the matter has been treated by Government as one relating to the Association only. In answer to the memorials emanating from public meetings, relating to moorings in the port of Lyttelton, and to the Sumner road, the Governor treated the moorings and the road, as Matters not of public interest, but belonging to ihe Canterbury Association. In fact, the society was a capital excuse to our rulers for not respecting the opinions of the colonists at large. It is most important, then, to organize at once a body that may iairly claim to represent the public feeling; a body authorized by the whole community to collect information for it, to discuss subjects of public interest, to correspond with similar societies, and with governing bodies, and to refer any question of great importance to general assemblies of the people. We shall have the advantage here, that no parties yet exist, and a majority or minority may form themselves on any question, and discuss it fairly, with an opposition to give vitality to the discussion. In order that its opinions may carry weight, and its efforts obtain sympathy, this Society must embody every class, (cheers) j accordingly, I believe it is intended to invite every male adult to join it, (cheers). I suppose the practical working of the society, if the plans hitherto proposed are carried out, will be as follows .• You will now choose a Committee to frame rules and regulations, corresponding with a like committee already appointed at Lyttelton. The Society will consist of two branches, the members of each being admitted :o the privileges of the other: each branch electing annually a Chairman, Vice-Chairman, and Com.-mittee-men, who shall meet weekly and arrange business for fortnightly meetings of the Society; such business to consist of discussions proposed or lectures offered by members, taken in such order as the Committee may direct. Some small subscription, like 6d. a quarter,-has been proposed, with a further subscription for a library and reading room, if those can be established. We shall not have the same advantage here as at Lyttelton, of a room placed at our disposal by Mr. Godley : because the building now used as a Church there will not long be, devoted to that use, while that so used here, although not yet consecrated, has acquired a more permanent character as a place of Worship, and would hardly be a fitting spot for political debate. We shall have to hire a room, or make some arrangement for one. Now, I would strongly urge you, to carry out this plan in earnest. Donot treat it as a toy. Never say, it is not worth while to take a part in it. For my own part, I hold a strong opinion, that he is not a good citizen who does not reflect on all public matters, compare his opinions with those of his fellow-citizens, choose a line, and then support i-. with his whole means and energy, so far as consists with law and justice, (cheers.) I have heard objections urged to the proposed Society. Some speak of its amateur and useless nature ; others fear lest it be a " hole-and-corner" affair ; some say " I as an individual, can do no good ;" and others complain of it as likely to disturb their ordinary vocations. I cannot help thinking that our ordinary vocations are much more disturbed by the want of good government on the spot, and the badness which we get from far off, than by any dispussion of our grievances. Even those who care for nothing but making money are interested in striving for a state of things, under which there shall be the security for their investments of a suitable and steady legislation. Let those who fear a " hole-and-corner affair" come forward and prevent it by taking a part in the movement (cheers). Let no individual think he has no power to help in this cause. I would urge those who'shrink throiuh modesty from so doing to let their duty embolden them. It would be a duty to come from Kaikora or Timaru, the farthest bounds of the district, to take a part in this movement. If all individuals would but so think, the Society will be neither amateur nor useless, but w}ll be acknowledged as an earnest association of Englishmen, determined to think for themselves and to speak their deliberate-opinions, even though they have no controul over the laws un ler which they live, (cheers). It is only by all coming forward, that we can'hope to gain weight for our opinion, whether with enemies or friends. For doing

so, our rulers and ovir opponents must respect us our friends aiH supporters will be gratified, encou' raged, and strengthened, in their good fight for us at home. We shall learn our own strength and acquire new vigour. If we discuss our own affairs so as to show that we are fit to manage them those who now deny our just claims will be obliged to cede them: and by so showing our fitness, we shall most suitably and earnestly express our acknowledgments to our friends at home for their exe-I tions in our favour. In a letter which I have received from an influential member of Parliament in England, after his description of the plans <jr% c Colonial Reformers for the approaching se'ssit&i he says:—" However, we look chiefly to you enlightened col'.nists to stand your ground. England is not in the humour to oppress colonists who stand up for themselves, though sufficiently apathetic to let the Minister do anything for those who are willing to submit to be done for here." (Cheers.) When we do obtain good institutions, we shall be the more fit to enjoy them, from constant practice in thinking and talking over these matters. We shall retain the capacity, as well as the desire, not " to be done for," either in England or here, by a Parliament to which we elect no members, an Association over whose doings we have no control a Colonial Minister, a Governor, or an Agent, over whose nomination we have no influence, and for whose misdeeds, if any, our feeble voice is impotent to obtain a remedy. (Cheers). I sincerely hope that the time may soon come when this oro-a. nization shall be unnecessary; when the law shall secure to us those privileges to which we are surely entitled by the British Constitution. In the meanwhile establish the best substitute you can : all come forward and use it: show your fitness for the real institutions: do it well if you do it at all. Choose men who shall manage the Society well; men who have, besides knowledge and talents, with the will and power to exercise them, these truly English characteristics which I have mentioned as your own, —earnestness, prudence, and public tpirit—(applause.)

The Chairman, before putting the resolution, invited a full discussion of the subject. It was most important that every one should give his opinion. Mr. Packer, seeing Mr. Fitzgerald in the room, asked whether he would favour the meet-^ ing with some account of the views and plans of the people of Lyttelton.

Mr. Fitzgerald, in reply to this call, sfid, that he would have preferred not having intruded himself upon a meeting of the inhabitants of Christchurch, but as he had been called upon by Mr. Packer to state the course which had been taken at the meeting held at Lyttelton last week, he would do so as briefly as possible. He would first, however, take the opportunity of saying that the public of this Settlement were under a deep obligation to the Society of Land Purchasers for the step which that body had taken, in making this effort to widen the basis of its operations by inviting all classes in the Settlement to unite with them in the discussion of subjects relating to the common weal. The Society of Land Purchasers was founded upon the same basis as that proposed for the new Society, namely, that of including every resident colonist, but the La?ul Purchasers were at that time the only recognized colonists. The step which the Society has now taken, is merely a development of its original design. He would state his conviction that the Society of Land Purchasers had been of the greatest benefit to this Settlement, that it had constantly watched the interests of all classes as well as its own, and that in its correspondence with the Government and with the Association, it had upheld the character of the settlement generally (hear). With reference to the resolution now before the meeting, -Mr. Fitzgerald observed that the only doubt which he had found to rest upon the minds of any as to the desirableness of founding such a~Society, was, whether it would be of any real, practical benefit to the Settlement. It would be unable to pass laws, or enforce opinions, it could in fact merely express the opinion of the people collectedly. That in itself would be a great public benefit (bear). But it was thought at Lyttelton, that a general organization of the peo-^r pie for political purposes, might be made subservient to other uses, which would at the same*time promote the general end contemplated by the Society. There were many Societies wanted in this place, at least there was much wanted to be dene *j which in England was done by various Societies. '•'' That which is done by an Athenaeum, a public Library, a Mechanics' Institute; by that great engine for disseminating knowledge, which has come into use in modern times, —public lectures—something of the work done by all .these was required here. Now in so small a community it would seem absurd to have half-a-dozen separate Committees, and separate Societies, which would for the most part, include the same individuals. It was therefore thought advisable to form one general Society, and to leave it to supply as far as possible, the social, intellectual, and political wants of the people. The main object, however, was the politic

cal one, and the rest might be regarded as chiefly valuable, in that by promoting the discussion of social and political truths it would tend to enlarge the views of the community, and give them far greater weight and power, when brought to bear upon their own political interests. Mr. Fitzgerald concluded by stating his conviction that the whole affair would become a mere sham unless joined by the great mass of the people, that it rested with the people alone to work it efficiently, but that if persons of all classes and ranks would really unite, it might become of signal benefit to ;the [Canterbury Settlement. (Cheers.) /'£&§ resolution was then put, and carried n'em. ~con. Mr. M. B. Hart, said in moving the following resolution — " That twelve gentlemen he appointed as a Committee to draw up rules and regulations, and correspond with the Lyttelton and other Committees" — I am pleased to see assembled in this room persons of all classes and shades of opinion, for the purpose of forming a Society to watch over our political and social rig-hts, and to endeavour by all legitimate and constitutional means to obtain for this Settlement those free political institutions promised us before we left our native land, and which no Government can long withhold from an enlightened and united people (hear). The need of such a Society has been much felt on several occasions, when questions of importance, affecting the interests of all persons in the colony, have necessarily been decided b) r some half-a-dozen persons, because there was no organization whereby the opinions of the mass could he obtained (hear). I hope through this Society the employer and the employed, the capitalist and the labourer, will become better acquainted with each other, and that they will work together for their mutual advantage : for it is only by co-operation among all classes that the many difficulties and natural disadvantages of a new colony can be overcome; but with " a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether" these difficulties will disappear, and the wilderness become fertile and fruitful. But there is another feature in this Society; it is not to be only political, but it proposes by means of lectures and discussions on various subjects to diffuse knowledge among our population. We are told that " knowledge is power;" therefore this Society aims at the distribution of power among all classes of the com- " "ihunity. (Cheers). Mr. Turner seconded the resolution. A Committee was then appointed—Messrs. Packer, Hart, Tancred, Marshman, Johnson, Wakeneld, Thacker, Prichard, Uae, Sutcliffe, Dr. Gundry, and the Key. H. Jacobs. Mr. Sutcliffe spoke in favour of confining the objects of the Society to those of a Mechanics' Institute, and urged the great importance of books. He regretted having sold his own, when he left Otago,- and complained of the want of books felt by persons of his class. He should be very happy, however, to give what assistance he could on the Committee. Mr. Parker, though lie appreciated the advantages of a Mechanics' Institute, differed from the preceding speaker. He considered lectures, books, &c, only secondary to the main object. (Cheers.) Mr. Hart said, there is one question which requires a decided answer from this meeting — viz., as to who shall be eligible to become members of this Society. " I think that all male persons of some age should be eligible; provided always, that each member register his name and pay a small sum yearly towards the necessary expenses. On this point I could wish this Meeting- to express its opinion, to guide the Committee." (Cheers.) A. conversation ensued on this subject: and the feeling appeared to be strongly in favour of the most extended suffrage possible. Mr. Fitzgerald offered to leave a catalogue of his private library at the Reading room of the Society when established, and said he should be very glad to lend books to members applying personally to him for the loan, so as not to e4iganger the loss of any book. He assured " Mr. Sutcliffe that there were a very great number of »rbooks in this settlement, and had no doubt but that most of the owners would do tire v^ame as himself. (Cheers.) He also intimated Mat Mr. Jacobs had kindly agreed to give lecrares, and probably others would. Perhaps scjiine of those who, like Mr. Godley, had engaged to lecture at Lyttelton, would also agree to give some lectures at Christchurcli. The Rev. H. Jacobs said he should be glad to do all in his power, and suggested that the reading of papers calculated to provoke discussion on their sitbjects, would perhaps be more desirable than delivering lectures. Mr. Wakefield mentioned that Mr. Godley had expressed a wish to place the College

books now in the Land office, about 500 volumes, in the Society's reading-room, for'the use of members there, if arrangements could be made with the present subscribers, a matter, probably, of no great difficulty. (Cheers.) Several offers of books were made for the future library. Mr. Finnimorb urged the importance of adhering to the main object of the society, the discussion of matters of public interest. (Cheers.) Mr Sutcliffe having again expressed a contrary opinion, Mr. Packer reminded the meeting of the first resolution, already passed " for the discussion of all matters of public interest." They were losing time in discussing mere details. (Cheers.) Mr. Rab also defended the upholding of the society as the organ of public opinion. He had no objection to the lectures or library, but urged the meeting not to lose sight of the principal feature, the political nature of the plan. Mr. Dobson moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was seconded and most cordially adopted by the meeting. A vote of thanks was moved by Mr. Fitzgerald to Mr. Hart for the use of his room, which he was kind enough to say should be at the disposal of the Society without remuneration until they could afford to pay for one. The meeting then broke up.