ENGLISH AND IRISH FRANCHISES.

Kumara Times, Issue 2334, 20 February 1884, Page 2

ENGLISH AND IRISH FRANCHISES.

We have received from Mr Edmuud Harvey, of the Grange, Waterford, Ireland, copies of some pamphlets and circulars on the County, Borough, aud Municipal Franchises in England and Ireland. They appear to be issued under the direction and at the expense of the Irish National League. As one of , these papers appeai-s to contain the whole pith and object of the others, we reprint it in full. It is headed— Summary op the Differences between English and Irish Franchises. parliamentary. In English Boroughs, all rated Householders (whose rates have been paid) are entitled to votes, and, by a late decision of English judges, every room separately held has been considered a " house " under the 1867 Reform Act. In Irish Boroughs, only rated Householders whose houses are valued by Government at over £4 per annum (equal to a yearly rental of £8 in Ireland, or £lO or £l2 in England), and Occupiers of Lodgings worth 4s per week (unfurnished), or over, are entitled to votes. As a consequence, Irish Boroughs have less than half as many Parliamentary Voters, in proportion to population, as English Boroughs. In English and Irish Counties the Occupiers' Franchise is nominally the same (£l2 Government valuation), but from a difference in the methods of valuing, and other causes, English Counties hive more than one-and-a-half-times as many voters, in proportion to population, as Irish Counties. Taking Boroughs arid Counties together, two men out of five have hitherto had votes in England, whilst only one man in five has at present a vote in Ireland, for Parliamentary purposes, so that, whilst English artisans can now, practically, almost rule the Empire, Irish artisans are still, by law, almost entirely denied political influence. MUNICIPAL. In England every person, male or female, who has occupied for twelve months any house rated to the poor, is entitled to the Municipal Franchise. In Ireland, in all towns except Dublin, every man only, who has occupied a house rated at the Government value of £lO (equal to a rental of £l7 in Ireland, or, say £22 in England), is entitled to the Municipal Franchise. In Dublin, though the suffrage is ostensibly household, yet the necessity of three years' residence, and the rating of landlords, instead of occupiers together with the non-rating of quarterly tenants, annihilate the household Franchise. As a consequence, English towns have from four to seven times as many voters, for Municipal purposes, as Irish towns. SUMMARY. Thus, whilst Englishmen often profess a desire to know the real opinions of the Irish people, the English Government persistently denies to a lar<*e number of Irishmen the same legitimate electoral means of expressing their opinions which Englishmen (and Scotchmen) have enjoyed for about fifteen years. Is it much to be wondered at that Irishmen, so excluded from the Franchise, should occasionally be tempted to express their political opinions in a somewhat disorderly wav at election and other times, in the hope of influencing the votes of their more privileged fellow-citizens? The surest way to lessen, or prevent, such disorders, is to admit Irishmen to the electoral privileges which have been enjoyed by their English and Scotch fellow-subjects since 1867 aud 1868, respectively. Edmund Harvey. December, 1883. Population of Great Britain (1881 Census), 29,702,727. —Parliamentary Voters, 2,880,440, or oue person in 10$. Population of Scotland (1881 Census), 3,734,441. Parliamentary Voters, 302,809, or one person in 121, Population of England and Wales (1881 Census), 25,968,286. Parliamentary Voters, 2,577,631, or one person in 10. Population of Ireland (ISBI Census), 5.159,839. — Pa. Mom, .vu-v Voters, 2.41,275, or ono jjwav4 jlu 23.