GERMAN SUPERMAN.

King Country Chronicle, Volume VIII, Issue 706, 23 September 1914, Page 6

GERMAN SUPERMAN.

A THEORY IN FRAGTJCE. Nobody can look on, even from a distance, at the German methods of carrying on war, writes "J.S." in the Sydney Daily Telegraph, without realising that the world is seeing the realisation of a portentous new idea —the idea that greatness as exemplified by "the will to power" i 3 entirely absolved from all the restraints imposed by what ia called morality. This leading principle of the- philosophical system porpounaeed by Friedrich Nietzsche Eorms the very core and centre of the Prussian sy3tem of govarnment, and Nietzsche's doctrine of the "Uebermesch" is starkly translated into practice by those non-commissioned officers w.ho are described as prodding the exhausted soldiers with bayonets to keep them on their feet in the terrible forced marches by the officers who throw whole battaliora to the machine guns, and by the Kaiser himself —the arch-Superman of them all —who is deluging European blood by way of displaving that "will to power" which Nieutzscbe glorifies in his essays on the "Iransvaluation of Values."

The German philosopher—who became hopelessly insane ten years before his death —propounded the question to what extent a sacricfie of freedom ur even enslavement might afford the basis for the cultivation of a superior type. Ha propounds an inquiry whether the development of mankind should nnt be sacrificed in order to assist a higher species than man to come into being and, having set forth that lofty but terrifying generalisation which seems to have in it the seed of homicidal madness —he proceeds to lay down a definite procedure, which is absolutely indistinguishable from the procedure of criminality on a grand scale. For instance, after differentiating man into twu classs?, a ruling aristocracy practising the "master-morality," that is tc say, a supreme contempt for all those allruislic virtues which Nietzsche blames Christianity for having foisted o:i the world, and a ruled proletariate practising the "slave morality," in whicij obedience is Kthe chief virtue, ha goes on to write: "From warriors wa must leßrn (1) to associate death with those interests for which we are fighting-; (2) we must learn to sacrifice numbers, and to take our cause sufficiently seriously not to spare men; (3) we must practise inexorable discipline and allow ourselves violence and cunning in war." Can anyone read that passage without realising that the ruling'military caste in Prussia, with the Kaiser at their headhave drunk deeply from the Niets, schean well, and are now putting the principles that they imbibed from him into practice? It may be suggested then wi(h some confidence that the world is confronted with something very different form the mere prospect that a new form of culture msy be imposed upon humanity if this war should go in favour of the Germans. Instead of experiencing "enlightenment" and "democracy," two abstractions for which Nietzsche reserves his most withering scorn, civilised humanity will set itself pressing down under the heel of the "strong specks" that Nietzsche forecasts as about to be developed out of the modern conditions of European society, with its

admiration for "political liberty," which, according to tha German writer, provides the necessary cm vironment for tha growth of slavepopulation?. In describing the means by which his "strong species" must maintain itself, Nietsche writea: "It grants itself the right of exceptional actions. It abandons itself to states in which a man is not allowed to bo anything else than a barbarian. It is not expansive,it practises silence; I it iB cautious in regard to all \ charme. Casuistry is carried to its highest pitch in regard to points of honour. It does not covet other people's virtues." These principles of action which are advocated by a thinker who had an enormous vogue in Germany ag an educator are quoted here because it is possible to identify them not oniy in 4ho writings of such a typical representative of the Prussian ruling military caste as General Bemhardi, bat also in the actual conduct ok the war as it is "reported from day to day. The inability of !>r von Bei.hinnnn Hullvveg to understand why Britain should go to war for tha sake of a "ssrar.i of paper"—the Titeaty of London, IS3I, guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium—and also the Carman attack upon tha neutralised State which it was bound "in honour" (not tha Prussian military . kind) to protect, and the destruction of Louvain and murder of hundreds of its. ..inhabitants—are all quite typical examples '

of the principles of Nietacha reduced to practice. Here, then, is the incentive of every nation that valups the advance it has already made along the road of evolutionary progress to join the combination that, is seeking to avert the catastrophe that threatens humanity. Seeing that the doctrines of Nietzsche frankly advocate violence by the "strong Bpecies" as the only principle of government, and submission by the masses aa the only virtue for which they will be riven credit, and seeing also that those principle 3 are now practiced with such unreserve, it is logically certain that should Germany emerge victorious from this war tha rest of the world would be called upon to revise their conceptions of human dignity and the right of man to direct his own course of action within the lawd which he has himself a voice in making. Neither the Habeas Corpus Act nur the Declaration of Independence as the basis of the the United States can be reconciled with the principles of government that NietzBche advocated, and that the Prussian military autocracy is carrying out in the conduct of the present war. Let it be granted that Bince war is essentially barbarous, the most effective method by which it can be conducted is by resorting to the practices of pure barbarism. But it need not bo 'supposed that the disaase which have now found expression would cease to actuate the ruling casta if Germany should win in this war. Rather would those ideas be regarded as representing an axiomatic truth, and the fulminations of Nietzsche against the paralysing effects of the things of Christianity would be accepted as the highest wisdom. The prospect is sufficient to nerve the arm of every man, who values his independence of thought and action above all else, against "the <?nemy of mankind," who is endeavouring to place himself on the pedestal of the arch-Superman, magnifid by the mad philosopher whose teachings are now bathing all Europa in blood and tears. Since the democratising of Europe tends to the production of a type prepared for slavery in tha opinion of Nietsaelie, the coming of the "strong 1 Bpecies," which is, of course, to be Teutonic, is obviously indicated. The German philosopher who ordains that the practice of lawless violence is an attribute of true greatness naturally hates the British race—since that race lies led the world in its regard for law and for the purity of justice. "The Englishman," be writes in one of his books called "Beyond Good and Evil," a most significant title, "more gloomy, sensual, and brutal than the German, is for that very reaßon, aa the baser ot the two, also the most pious." And at the close of a long tirade, he declares that "the European ignobleness, the plebianism of modern ideas, is England's work and invention." There is no sting in that statement, because there is no truth in it, but the evil effect of it is found in the fact that it represents the opinion of the German thinker, who, although he died mad and had been mad for many years before he died, nevertheless may he regarded as the chief inspirer of the military aristocracy which, with the Kaiser at ita head, is the real ruler of Germany, the German people, as exemplified by their representatives in the Reichstag, being politically of n» account whatever in guiding the destinies of thomselves and th*ir nation.