THE GENERAL STRIKE AS A WEAPON IN THE SOCIAL WAR.

Industrial Unionist, Volume 1, Issue 12, 6 November 1913, Page 4

THE GENERAL STRIKE AS A WEAPON IN THE SOCIAL WAR.

I—WHAT IS THE GENERAL STKIKK:- ‘/ v - . fu ' „• ... A new idea, a new weapon of the proletariat, has pushed itself vehemently to the front, and stands to-day on the bulletin of all discussions in the Labour movement. This idea, which forces itself everywhere upon the international proletariat, is that of the General Strike. UntiPof late the general belief in the success of the Parliamentarism has been unshaken amongst the working men. The events and the results of the political condition of late years, however, soon made it clear to the international proletariat that nothing could be gained in this way, and it was obliged to look around for a new fighting method. Even where Parliamentarian Socialism had developed most, and where with every election victory and numercial increase—in Germany —its powerlessness was manifested, we hear, even in the reactionary camps of the Social Democratic Party, voices calling for a new tactic. The idea of the General Strike, which so far has largely been ridiculed, and its propagators treated with slander and insult, has to be recognised now, and is being discussed in all national and international Labour Congresses; and a member of the German Social Democratic Party, Dr. Friedeberg, «propagated this idea openly in the party. The attitude of Social Democracy towards this idea, if it is not directly hostile, is in general, however, still very ambiguous; and all resolutions passed in its party congresses in regard to it, if they have not been directly hostile towards it, after long debates about the definition of the. word, called only for a political “ Mass Strike ” for the purpose of gaining certain single demands, but always refused to deal with the General Strike as a means and way to a social revolution.

The name “ General Strike,” of course, admits of misunderstandings, because it is applied to different general acts. It is often used to designate the strike of all branches in one trade; for instance, the General Strike of the miners, when helpers >nd hoisting engineers, etc., are all out. Then it is used as General Strike of a city, i.e., “ General Strike in Florence,” or a General Strike in a whole country or province, for the purpose of gaining political rights, i.e , the right to vote, as in Belgium, or in Sweden. The profoundest conception of the General Strike, however, the one pointing to a thorough change of the present system, a social revolution of the world, an entire new reorganisation, a demoiltion of the entire old system of all governments —is the one existing amongst the proletarians of the Latin race (Spain and Italy). For them the General Strike is nothing less than an introduction to the social revolution. Therefore we call this General Strike, to distinguish it from General Strikes for higher wages, or for political privileges (political mass strikes), “The Social General Strike.” This conception of the General Strike will be dealt with in this treatise.

The General Strike idea has been opposed by the German working man until now with the same idiotic phrases as the big-bellied bourgeois have used heretofore, by everlastingly re-chewing the tale of dividing all property, thus thinking to have made clear the nonsense of Socialism, and at the same time proving only their own ignorance. . “ The General Strike is general nonsense.” With this phrase the Social Democrats thought they could kill the General Strike idea.

When a discussion about the General Strike was permitted, the following ideas were always maintained: “The General Strike is a Utopia. It will never be possible to so thoroughly organise the proletariat that all working men will go on strike like one man; and if it were so well educated, and imbued with solidarity, and so well organised as to be able to declare a General Strike, then it would not need any General Strike; then it is the power in the country; then it may do anything it sees tit.”

The conduct and the result of the General Strike do not depend upon all workers laying down their tools. It would certainly be worth while to endeavour to educate all classes of working men so well that, on the day on which the General Strike began, the proletariat of all countries would leave its factories and mines like one man, and through the expression of its united will throw off the chains of slavery . This ideal of propaganda will, however, in spite of its beauty, always be a dream. It was always the energetic and enthusiastic minority only that revolted against tyranny and oppression, thereby giving the initiative to the large, indolent masses, who were dissatisfied and complained of their fate, but did not have the courage to revolt. It is quite a distance between dissatisfaction and open rebellion. In every revolution it was the force of the energetic minority that aroused the courage of the timid masses.

The same is observed in a strike. Although the our Unions as a rule represent only a minority of Up .orking men, they always cause, organise, and Daci strikes of the unorganised masses. Often in this way a small minority goes on strike, and during n- strike the rest of the masses follow.

Often it happens that during the strike the related industries and branches join in, spreading the strike over ever-increasing territories and amongst ever-

growing masses of labourers. The example of the strike is, in fact, suggestive and contagious to the masses. ’ •’-Ta *ll Vi ; it It i&* therefore, not of shell great importance for the propagandists and followers of the General Strike theory (as the Spanish and French workers understand it) to get all the workers to lay down their tools at the same time, as it is to completely interrupt production in the whole country, and stop communication and consumption for the ruling class, and that for a time long enough to totally disorganise capitalistic society, so that after the complete annihilation of the old System, the working people, through its Labour Unions, can take possession of all the means of production, mines, houses, the land; in short, of all the economic factors. 2.—THE COURSE OF THE GENERAL STRIKE. By considering the reports and observations made from General Strikes which have broken out heretofore, we can draw 7 a picture of the course of a SOCIAL GENERAL STRIKE. After the necessary time of propaganda, after the masses and organisations have been made familiar w r ith the idea, as soon as the circumstances are favourable, all Labour Unions (which are certainly tie best

(Continued in next issue.)