Parliament and its Relation to Economics
The burning question at the present time in New Zealand, on viewing the junction of the N.Z. Federation of Labour and the United Labour Party, is this: Is political action necessary to the triumph of the Working- Class ? Let us therefore inquire into the nature of Parliament, analyse it, and see whether it can be usefully controlled in the interests of the Working Class.
Parliament is an institution brought into existence by Class warfare, Which goes on continuously in modern society—between the ruling class who own the earth and its fulness, and the Working Class, who, despite their activities in the world’s productive processes, are disinherited and disfranchised from full participation in the fruits of their labour. Hence Parliament is essentially a class institution. If classes became nonexistent, then Parliament itself, in the nature of things, would • disappear. Furthermore, class rule is unquestionably corrupt, therefore the Class state must be as corrupt and as rotten as the system from which it springs. Parliament is a reflection of economic power on the industrial field. It is an infallible barometer which registers automatically every change, every fight, every concession, every gain or loss incurred by the workers and their masters in their everyday struggle on the job. Whether Conservatives, Liberals, Reformers or Socialists grace the plush seats of the class Parliament, it matters not one iota; they must conform and legislate to suit industrial change, or the varying relations of master and man. Let us distinctly understand that all political legislation is controlled by industrial change.
Therefore the Capitalist class who own and control the basic. Industries must, by the very nature of that ownership, control the Parliamentary institution.
Let us take the barometer, or weather glass, as an illustration. If the hand points to ” fine” and then you push it to “ stormy,” will it begin to blow ? Not on your life, brother ! But some of your anxious Parliamentary friends want you to believe that you can get the 11 industrial weather” controlled by a Parliamentary barometer.
Let’s have another illustration: The industrial field is a little dog, and on one end of that dog is a Parliamentary tail. When the industrial dog is pleased its political tail wags some, when otherwise, it sticks down between its legs. But your brotherly would-be politician will be quite anxious to point out that it is the tail that wags the canine; that when the tail wags then it causes the dog to be pleased with himself.
To sum up, we know that the barometer will change when atmospheric conditions compel the change; the little dog’s tail will wag when he is pleased. Laws will originate or change as the industrial war causate them.
So why, Mr. Working Mule, in the name of common sense should the working class worry about capturing a debased, corrupt institution, which contaminates and despoils all who come in contact with it, and which, like the vile Capitalist system, must disappear ? N.Z. is not governed by legislators in Wellington; it is governed partly by the loanees of the National Debt of £80,000,000, and partly by the land owners and industry owners in N.Z. Just as North America is controlled from Wall Street, so is N.Z. controlled from the Stock Exchanges and the ever-growing trade octopuses and combines. Let us assume, anyway, that political supremacy will benefit the working class, how many long years are going to be spent before a majority of members are elected ? Well mark: The Australian Labour Party, with systematic political organisation, took twenty long years to capture the control of political power, and it turned out bourgeois and reactionary. Why ? Because the Australian capitalist still owns the industries and the land. They have the Economic Power.
Now, fellow workers, can we in N.Z. safely say that we can avoid a repetition of the like with all the professional labour spongers and reactionary craft officials rushing to the aegis of the U.F.L. and the S.D.P. ? Not in the nature of things.
The Australian Labour Party in its pre-Parliamentary days contained just as many good revolutionaries as does the Double wing outfit of N.Z. In N.S.W. they climbed into power over the manacled hands of Peter Bowling, and a few short months afterwards the same working class political party jailed Scully and others of Lithgow for daring to assert their manhood by striking, and their most recent acts of infamy was to attempt the break of Gas workers and Perry workers’ strikes in Sydney. A new S.D.P. is anxious to climb into power over the jailed miners of Waihi. Can this party accomplish more than the strength or the economic organisation of the workers of N.Z. warrant ? NO !
Therefore they must conform to the wishes of the dominant class in N.Z.'or get out. AND THEY WILL NOT GET OUT. When an organism gets into a new environment it must adapt itself to changed conditions or die. When a member of the working class enters the rotten, string-pulling, talking House, he must adapt himself or die—politically. The only way to bring about the Emancipation of the workers is by economic Organisation —by organising their power in the Industries. By spreading the gospel of rebellion, breaking down national, parochial, political and religious prejudice and by educating the ignorant. Industrial Unionism is at once the slogan and the hope of the despoiled of all countries. It is the fostering of solidarity of class spirit; it is the only basis possible for a m .re rational, sane and satisfactory form of society. The workers in the industries,. in their local, national and international conventions shall be the parliament of the future, when Capitalism and the Class State and its lickspittle timeservers have been forgotten.
Therefore, working men, the work to be done is right in the mines, the workshops, the factories, the forests and the ships. The organisation to do that work is the 1.W.W., which holds that the workers of the world must organise into One Big Union, which, as it grows and develops its power, will finally overthroAv Capitalism. THE I.W.W. bases its organisation and propaganda on the fact that all social questions are settled by MIGHT. It proclaims that the ■working class are robbed and exploited in the jobs and industries in which they toil and sweat. Therefore the I.W.W. says that is the place to organise. The workers are not robbed in Parliament; therefore there is no need to organise in that corrupt institution.
The I.W.W. is not a craft union, with a narrow, prejudiced outlook; it is a CLASS Union, which accepts ALL wage workers of ALL industries, of ALL countries, of ALL creeds and colours. It knows but one flag, the blood-red banner of the International.
The I.W.W. is totally opposed to allowing an autocratic executive to make, delay or prevent strikes, and aep'oeates the workers transacting their own business and taking an intelligent interest in their own working conditions and affairs.
The I.W.W. believes in frequent changes of officials, in order to educate members for the work, and prevent the professional labour sponger from fattening on the vitals of the organisation.
The I.W.W. believes in printing and distributing literature in the mining, construction and bush camps of N.Z.
The I.W.W. strives for a maximum of education from a minimum of energy and money. That is one reason -why it opposes Craft Unionism and Parliamentarism as reactionary. . Let us take Auckland as an example. In Auckland there are <SO craft unions, with 50 secretaries, 50 offices, 50 telephones, 50 little narrow outlooks and 50 agreements with the bosses—all expiring at 50 different times. Craft Unionism implies a maximum of and energy, giving the workers concerned a minimum of education and organisation. The I.W.W. says “ One Big Union,” with Industrial partments, and each department with its local unions. If yon are anxious to tag M.P. to your name, or to get a permanent Beetetaryßhip. don T apply. The I.W.W. can ’t use you. TOM BARKER. •v~ • V* -
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Industrial Unionist, Volume 1, Issue 7, 1 August 1913, Page 3
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1,336Parliament and its Relation to Economics Industrial Unionist, Volume 1, Issue 7, 1 August 1913, Page 3
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