The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER. 8, 1930 BRITAIN IN CHINA.

Hokitika Guardian, 8 October 1930, Page 4

The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER. 8, 1930 BRITAIN IN CHINA.

The withdrawal of Britain from Wei-hai-wei, lately reported in the cables, says an Auckland writer, marks.the ciose of a very interesting episode in our Imperial history. To understand the situation one must go back behind the opening days of the twentieth century to the far-off. era of the Chi no-Japanese war. When in 1895 Japan began operations against China by seizing Port Arthur, on the .north side of the Gulf of - and Wei-httPwei, the corresponding liaVal base On its south side,the few Europeans who saw the . situation dearly made up their mind* that the Japanese would never surrender the foothold they had gained on the mainland of Asia. But at the close of the war Germany, fearful of Japan’s threatened ascendancy in the. Far East, induced Russia and France to join with her in a naval demonstratioit to compel Japan to retire from the territory that she had seized, The Japanese, exasperated, and humiliated, seemed a.t first likely to resist the combined armaments of the three Powers. But wiser counsels prevailed and they withdrew, priding their resentment as test they could. It is easy to imagine their wrath when they learned in 1898 that, the very points of vantage that they had seized for themselves, and had been foirced to surrender,' were to be taken over by the European Powers. The story of the occupation of these Chinese naval (bases by the Western Powers seems to reflect very little credit on the governments chiefly concerned. First Germany, seizing on ithe casual murder of two German missionaries in Shantung as a pretext, demanded, and eventually secured, the lease of Kiao-chau harbour and town from China- for a 99 years’ term. Russia, who had now resolved to absorb Manchuria, compelled China to surrender to her, on a 25 years’ extensible lease, Port Arthur, the strong naval base at the southern end of the Manchurian railway, giving her the outlet so long desired on to the ice-free, waters of the Pacific. Then Britain, fearing that she would ho superseded by Germany and Russia in the Far East, endeavoured to' balance the account by securing from China the naval base of Wei-hai-wei on the same terms as Russia’s tenure of Port Arthur. Thus by the end of the century these three strong points on the Chinese coast were held by three great European PowerS, all intent on maintaining their alleged commercial rights, and almost equally regardless of the* real interest and welfare of the Chinese. It is obvious, from the record, that Britain had no more right of Wei-hai-wei than the Germans at Kiao-chau or the Russians at Port Arthur. However, we may console ourselves with the reflection that our 32 years’ occupation seems to have been conducted in accordance with the best traditions of Britain’s great colonial service. The Russian and German experiments came to deservedly had ends. Russia had to [.surrender Port Arthur to Japan after the disastrous war of 1004-5, and the Japanese triumphantly wrested Kiao-chau from the Germans in 1922. Britain has treated the Chinese better than Russia or Germany, and she has got out of an impossible situation with more credit to herself. But our .occupation of Wei-hai-wei is one of those “unfortunate incidents” which afford very

little (satisfaction to the patriotic reader of British history. In the

light of such calculated and deliberate acts of aggression and spoliation, is it any wonder that the Chinese have little confidence in the good intentions of the Western world? But, thanks to the League of Nations, a new order of international procedure is arising, and a similar set of circumstances to that of 1895 is not likely to recur in those times. The> Far East has been always a location for political ferment, Ibut under the improved conditions there are healing times in sight, and a better order of affairs exist. Britain in China has no doubt on the whole, been au expensive undertaking, and any change for the Letter in the stability of China is to ho welcomed as a means to improve the general situation for the future.