The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times. SATURDAY, MARCH 1, 1930. THE NAVAL CONFERENCE.

Hokitika Guardian, 1 March 1930, Page 4

The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times. SATURDAY, MARCH 1, 1930. THE NAVAL CONFERENCE.

1 11 K Naval Conference drags on its weary length with very little assured progress. The high hopes at the outset were doomed to disa])pointment when the representatives of the Five Powers came to grips. Then came the French political debacle, and the future was more uncertain than ever. Tiiie representatives continue to he optimistic and so the Conference continues, \ awaiting Franco to smooth out its political ■difficulties and allow a Alinisteria 1 representative to repair to London, and continue the discussions, ft is considered that the defeat of the Tardiou Ministry was “a political accident,” and that the Premier will return to resume where matters abruptly adjourned. At the same time it will lie recognised that the French programme as enumerated by M. Tarclion was very disconcerting in itself. Tits magnitude was disturbing, and there were grave apprehensions at the probable outcome of a discussion deal-

ing with the French demands, It is not possible apparently to reach a piece-meal arrangement, Actually, the Powers appear to be suspicious, of each other, and the request of one causes others to advance also. Italy, for instance, asks that her naval programme will be measured by that of France, so that the former playfe for absolute safety. Then we have Japan pleading for a greater ratio of naval power in respect to Great Britain and the United States. Matters therefore' seem very much as they were, seeing that British comment is to the effect that Great Britain has given away more than she should, and the “cli.eliards” in the United States continue to rail at the American representatives giving way toy much to Britain. America wants naval supremacy to assure the freedom of the seas! Just why she wants all this is an age when people are pleading for peace, is not clear. Besides, the United States was the main party to the Kellogg Pact, and there is the desire that America should take a real part if any international trouble were to arise. In this connection, to appease Fi ance' and assume “security” to that country, it is suggested the Pact should he supplemented by a special , clause to safeguard France if in danger of outside attack. France, apparently still fears Germany, but the latter is moving her naval headquarters to a more remote sphere of the Baltic, and will be in a less favourable position to make a •udden attack on France. If it be >ossible to satisfy .France as to secur- ‘ cy, it will be a great gain, for her demands will . drop., as also Italy’s in common measure. There remains Japan, assuming that Great Britain and the United States have that perfect inderstanding with each they are supposed to have. The two Powers just referred to, should be able to meet the wishes of Japan in a reasonable way. Looking, to the juxta-position of Japan to Russian territory, it does seem wise that the Japanese should have a considerable naval force at all times as an insurance against possibilities were Japan less prepared. Indeed, uie Russian problem is a reason all round for the maintenance of effective naval strength as an international lifeguard against possibilities. Great Britain has her needs in policing the sens generally, and public opinion at Home and abroad is evidently bent on maintaining that fact before the autliorities, as witness the latest resolutions of the Navy League. On the whole the relore while a degree of na.val limitations may be looked for, it does not appear immediately likely that there will lie any wholesale reduction of fleets and that navies will have to be maintained for the public security.