The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13th, 1929. AMERICA AND BRITAIN.

Hokitika Guardian, 13 March 1929, Page 4

The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13th, 1929. AMERICA AND BRITAIN.

In the* Presidential address, so iar as cabled, there was not any special mention regarding relations with Great Britain, nor did Mr Hoover specially refer to the limitation of armaments in any way to indicate a change of policy. On the other hand, many of the public men in toe United States are always ready to criticise British utterances with an acrimonious hearing, while some of the publicists never tire of advocating a parity of naval strength, and openly add a desire to prevent Britain in “the next war’' from exercising the right of search for contraband on board the American mercantile marine. In this connection it is interesting to note that a comment on ‘ naval parity” has just been offered by a distinguished American authority, Mr Frank Simonds, now foreign editor of the American “Review o Reviews.” Raring the war Mr Simonds was strongly pro-Ally, and indeed pro-British, and his articles in the “Tribune” were among the most valuable enti ibutions to the war literature o. the day. Now Mr Simonds tells us frankly that the Americans are resolved that the next time Europe goes to war American shall not be forced by Britain’s naval strength to come into the war on her side. They argue that “if the American fleet were equal to that of Britain any British Government would be compelled to refrain from interfering in what Americans regard as their rights.” Tn other words, the “strong navy” demanded is to he a guarantee for “the Freedom of the Seas,” and if this is to he an indispensable condition for the maintenance of world peace, the sooner the signatories of the Kellogg Pact reconcile tnemselves to the idea the better for mom all. But the British statesmen are frequently explaining their attitude on the subject, and leave no d .übt to those who care to study the general situation affecting Great Britain. by the length of sea routes to he patrolled, that a numerical navy is highly essential for the safety of Brilish trade routes. There are those who consider Britain has gone quite'far enough in the effort to satisfy political opinion in the United States. Sir J. Smith, the well-known Australian newspaper proprietor, who has just returned to Sydney from a world trip, in an interview said: “I cannot help but feel that the British Cabinet is the waido time endeavouring to placate America. If two men are living away outback in a. tent, and one man is 'continually endeavouring to placate the other, there must come a time when a little plain Anglo-Saxon is the only thing that will meet the ease. In my opinion, that time is not far distant with regard to America and England.” However, there is the goodwill message of Mr Hoover as a foundation for brighter hopes as to improved relations. And in addition there is the Kellogg Pact duly endorsed by I lie American Senate. The nations are disposed to interpret that Pact with their own reservations, but oven so, the will to peace is there, and after all international opinion as between America and Groat Britain should be elastic enough to stretch a great deal before a genuine break can occur. Of course various interpretations may be put on the Pact, as for instance the consent of America to the export of munitions to Mexico, but instances such as that will emphasise tne need for an interchange of opinion between the nations conform'd, to see that the intention and purport of Hie Pact is not lost in the desire for international gain by assisting “a war” in some other country. The desire for “parity” on the part of the United States with Great Britain is perhaps not surprising after the experience in the late War, when Britain had to bear the. brunt of the naval side of the issue. But the Americans must know from the manner in which they were treated and served bv the British Navy, that they had every reason to be grateful for the power Britain was able to wield. Playing second fiddle perhaps did not satisfy the pride of the nation, but for genuine service America had no cause or occasion for complaint. The tributes to both the British Army and Navy following the war by responsible military and naval leaders of America, left no doubt as to the valued service, and to the real and potential instrument of defence the British Nary is. (Beat Britain, we take it, will be satisfied to maintain its high standard of efficiency, and be in a state of preparedness for all possible international developments. That is the need and mission for the British Navy in point of fact, and it will ho hard to induce John Bull to think otherwise.