THE AMERICAN SPIRIT

Hokitika Guardian, 20 November 1928, Page 7

THE AMERICAN SPIRIT

(Auckland “Star.”)

Tho address delivered by President Coolidge at Washington on Armistice Day may presumably be taken as expressing to a large extent the viewof the American Government and the feelings of the American people. Interpreted in this way, it does no. seem likely to promote* to any senou extent t lie mutual confidence and good will that ought to exist between the great nations of the world. For the speech consists in about equal proportions of a laudation of the Americans and their achievements, a defence of their policy against any conceivable criticism, and a series of more or loss bitter imputations and insinuation, against France and Britain. Though Mr Coolidge does not go s< far as to assert with some of bis com patriots, that America “won the war,” he claims that the United States after the war “delivered Europe from starvation and ruin.” Even if this were true, it might be explained by Air. Coolidge’s own word when he reminds us that it would not only be selfish, but short-sighted, for the Americans to grudge prosperity to their oversea customers. But Air. Coolidge goes much further when he calls upon us to admire American magnanimity on the gonial that “the United States made no profit out of the war.” For the Americans have not left the rest of the world in any doubt about their immense increase in wealth during the war period. Their .statisticians point out with pride that, while between 1912 and 1922 France’s wealth rose from £11,090,000,000 to £13,000.000,000, and Britain’s wealth from £10,000.000,000 to £18,000,000,000. the wealth of the United States increased from £37,000,000.000 to £04,000,000. And the reason given three years ago by the Baltimore “Manufacturers’ Record” for Lliis amazing opulence is “Hie enormous profit made hy the people of the United Stales in selling to the Allies at exorbitant prices a total in live years of twelve thousand million dollars’ worth of goods over and above the total of the preceding five years.” Naturally Mr. Coolidge deals very briefly and delicately with America’s foreign debtors, merely observing that Europe and the United States are under mutual obligation to each other. Ho very discreetly ignores the question asked insistently hy many leading exponents of public opinion in the United Stat<>s, whether the money lent to the Allies was not expended “in the common cause.” and whether the financial resources of the “allied and associated Powers” should not have !x?en pooled ns well as their naval and military forces, and considering that Britain is prepared to remit her debts to France and Belgium and Italy, why the Americans are not willing to follow her lead. But as regards the question of disarmament, Air Coolidge is quite definite and outspoken. The Americans must have as big and strong a navy as they require, and they must be on their guard to prevent Britain and France from stealing a march on them. It is curious that the Americans, who arranged the Washington Conference and drafted the limitation scheme that the Powers accepted, should now accuse Franco and Britain of having outwitted and out-manoeuvred them there. But even if this were so, there would ho no excuse for the imputation of sinister motives in which Air Coolidge so frequently Indulges. and his reiterated attack upon the Anglo-French naval compromise as intended to secure for France and Britain “unlimited” naval and military strength, is likely to arouse bitter feeling that his successor might find it hard to dispel.