The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is in perforated the West Coast Times. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1925. THE NEW ERA.

Hokitika Guardian, 11 December 1925, Page 2

The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is in perforated the West Coast Times. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1925. THE NEW ERA.

It would appear that a new era is opening for the benefit of tile world at large. As the Sydney “herald” remarks, the- hand of time assuages the wounds, both of nations and individ-

mils. It seems but yesterday Britain and Germany were uncompromising foes. Of all her enemies, indeed, Germany cherished most bitterness against Britain. To Britain was the “Hymn of Hate’’ addressed; at Britain were the most vehement maledictions directed. And in fairness it must he admitted that if Britain’s invective was more restrained, her animosity against Germany was every whit as keen. Yet even when the fury was at its height we knew in our hearts that sooner or later it would pass. The longest war must come to an end, hut man lives on. Passion is ephemeral; anger an abnormal condition. The rancour would continue for a space; the war would leave scars which would not immediately heal. But sooner or later the former enemies would agree to ret bygones he bygones, and rune together as friends. A day would dawn when reconciliation would make the nominal peace a real one. That day dawned exactly a week after the seventh anniversary of the Armistice. By ratifying the Locarno Pact, Britain has definitely buried the hatchet with Germany and given the other parties to

the provisional Treaty a lead, which they are in honour and from self-in-terest found to follow. Germany, against whom Britain's organised strength was hut lately arrayed, will he able henceforth to count upon Britain’s aid in the event of unprovoked aggression. France will compose her ancient feud with Germany, and will dwell in amity with her. Germany forswears the appeal to force, and undertakes to submit to arbitration any disputes that may arise between her and other nations. Historians of the future may see in November 18th. 1920, the beginning of a new era. T posterity it may he a date infinitely more momentous than that upon which the Treaty of Versailles was signed. Vith Britain it marks a departure from her traditional policy of aloofness from European affairs. Down through the centpries she has .stood

apart, jealously preserving her “majestic isolation.” She might form temporary alliances when it suited her purpose. She contracted commercial treaties with various Powers. But the guiding principle of her statecraft was to retain freedom of action. Never before did she enter into an explicit engagement, indefinite in duration, which

committed her to intervention in given contingencies. Of <ourse as a member of the League of Nations she assumed certain responsibilities. But these were quite general, in character, and different from those involved in her new relationships with France and Germany. Many may regret that she has been drawn into the ring. But the world has changed ; and it is no longer possible to live in a water-tight compartment. Revolutionised communications have almost annihilated distance. Britain is scarcely an island any loncgr. Wo have learned how in-ter-dependent are the interests of nations. F.veil America, separated from Europe by the width of the Atlantic has discovered that it is hv no means easy to plough a lonely furrow. And there is the moral aspect of the question to he considered. Europe is still in a ferment, nerve-raohod. restless and suspicious. If Britain can bring about a lasting settlement by offering guarantees and pledging herself to intervention should it. become necessary, is it not lier duty to do sop That is the view that the British Government has taken. Throughout wo have used the term Britain advisedly, for as yet the Empire as a whole is not affected. Liberty of action is expressly reserved for the dominions. The Pact imposes no liabilities upon them unless they c hoose to accept them. W hen the time comes for us to make our decision we shall have to weigh the consequences very carefully. We may wish, naturally enough, to avoid Tturopcan entanglements. Yet constitutional lawyers have argued that for the dominions to dissociate themselves Irom the Pact would entail the disruption of the Empire. Austen Chamberlain laid special emphasis on the fact that the Treaty is to he' regarded, not ns the end. hut as the beginning, of tbc work of reconciliation and appeasement. If: is ilie starting point, not the goal. Much has still to lie done before those who control the destinies of Europe can rest on their oars. 'I hero are other nations which might with advantage enter info similar agreements. The Balk ns remain a potential storm centre. Europe still lavishes on armaments treasure, which, if devoted to pacific purposes, would immeasurably improve the lot of nankind. The Labour parly at Westminster complained that tbc Pact made no provision for disarmament. Mr Chamberlain very fairly replied that we should hasten slowly, and that had the negotitems at loearno been complicated bv the disarmament issue we should never have had a Pact at all. However, there is little doubt that if the Pact is ratified by the other parties. the nexi sten will he to consider the possibility oT disarmament. The important thing is that the three principal Powers of Europe, the protagonists in the late war. are leading the way in an advance that will win a victory for reason. Great is the force of example, and it is not 100 much t ■ hope that others will fall into line.