BRITAIN’S DUTY IN EGYPT

Hokitika Guardian, 31 January 1925, Page 4

BRITAIN’S DUTY IN EGYPT

MR ROOSEVELT’S COUNSEL FOURTEEN YEARS AGO. The London “ Daily Mail ” of Nov. 27th, under the above caption published the following in relation to the Egyptian crisis which was caused through the murder of the Sirdar, Sir Lee Stack:—

On May 31, 1910 Air Theodore Roosevelt, ex-R resident of the United States, was presented with the freedom of the City of London at the Guildhall. In reply lie made a speech which was in sonic quarters bitterly resented at tho time. The events of the past fourteen years seem, however, to have justified his criticisms and confirmed his praise of British action in Europe and the Sudan. These extracts from his speech—he died five years ago—may he studied profitably at this time. He said:

I have just spent nearly a year in Africa, "While there I saw four British protectorates. I grew heartily to respect the moil whom I there met, settlers and military and civil officials; and it seems to me that the best service 1 can render them and you is vei'v briefly to tell you how 1 was impressed by some tilings that 1 saw. The Sudan is peculiarly interesting because it affords the best possible example of the wisdom—and when I say that I speak with historical accuracy—of disregarding the well-meaning hut unwise sentimentalists who object to the spread of civilisation at the expense of savagery.

I remember a quarter of a century ago when you were engaged in the occupation ol Sudan that many of your people at home and some of ours in America said that what was demanded in the Sudan was the application of the principles of independence and selfgovernment to the Sudanese, coupled with insistence upon complete religious toleration and the abolition of the slave trade. Unfortunately, the chief reason why the Mahdists wanted independence and self-government was that they could put down all religions but their own and carry on tho slave trade.

I do not believe that in the whole world there is to ho found any nook of territory which has shown such astonishing progress from the most hideous misery to well-being and prosperits as (ho Sudan has shown during the twelve years while it has been under British rule. Up to that time it was independent and it governed itselt ; and independence and sell-government, in the hands of the Sudanese proved lo In- much what independence and sellgovcrniiicnt would have been in a wolf pack. THE MAHDIST TYRANNY. Great crimes were committed there, crimes so dark that their very hidoousness protects them from exposure. During a decade and a hall, "bile Malidism controlled tile country, there nourished a tyranny which for cruelty, bloodthirstiness, unintelligence, and

wanton destructiveness surpassed anything which a civilised people can even

i mage. During those liftoen years at least two-thirds of the population, probably seven or eight millions of people, died by violence or by starvation. 'I hen the English came in : put an end to the independence and sell-government whic h had wrought this hideous evil ; restored order, kept the peace, and gave to each imlivdual a liberty which, during the evil days of their own sellgovernment. not one human being possessed, save only the blood-stained tyrant who at the moment was ruler. 1 stopped at village alter village, in the and in many of them I was struck by the fact that, while there were plenty of children, they were all under twelve years old; and inquiry always developed that these ehilclrden were known as “Government children,” because in the days of Mnhdism it was the literal truth that in a verv large proportion of the communities every child was either killed or died of starvation and hardship whereas under the peace brought by English rule families are flourishing, men and women are no longer hunted to death, and the children are brought np under more favourable circumstances, for soul and body, than have ever previously obtained in the entire history of the Sudan. EGYPTTA X .\ 1 ENA C.‘E. Now as to Egypt. It would not he worth my while to speak to you at all, nor would it be worth your while to listen, unless on condition that I say what 1 deeply feel ought to he said, f speak as an outsider, hut in one way this is an advantage, for T speak without national prejudice. At any rate, it can do you no harm to hear the view of one who has actually been on the ground and has information at first hand ; of one, moreover, who, it is true is a sincere wellwisher of the liritish Empire, hut who is not English by blood, and who is impelled to speak mainly because ol his deep concern in the welfare of mankind unci in the future ol citilisation. In Egypt you are not only the guardians of your own interest; you are also the guardians of civilisation; and the present condition of affairs in Egvp't is a .grave menace to both voui Empire and the entire civilised world. You have given Egypt the best government it has had for at least two thousand years—probably a better government than it has ever had before; for never in history has the poor man in Egypt, the tiller of the soil, the ordinary labourer, been treated with as much justice and mercy, under a rule as free from corruption and brutality, as during the last twentyeight years. SENT 1} I EXTALI TY—A BROKEN REED. Yet recent events, and especially what has happened in connection with and following on the assassination of Boutros Pasha three months ago, have shown that, in certain vital points, you have erred; and it is for you to made good your error. It has been an error proceeding from the effort to do too much and not too little in the in-

terests of the Egyptians thehiselves; hut unfortunately it is necessary for all of us who have to do with uncivilised peoples, and especially with fanatical peoples, to remember that in such a situation as yours in Egypt weakness, timidity, and sentimentality may cause even more far-reaching harm than violence and injustice. Of all broken reeds sentimentality is the most broken iced on which righteousness can lean.

In Egypt you have been treating all religions with studied fairness and impartiality, aiid instead of gratefully acknowledging this, a noisy section of the native population takes advantage of what vour good treatment has done to bring about an anti-loreign movement, a movement in which, as events have sliowil, murder on a large or a small scale is expected to play a leading part. Boutros l’asha was the best and most competent Egyptian official, a steadfast upholder of English rule, and an earnest worker for the welfare of his country-men; and he was murdered simply and solely because of these facts, and because he did his duty wisely, fearlessly and uprightly.

The attitude of the so-called Egyptian Nationalist Party ill connection with this murder Tins shown that they were neither desirous nor capable of guaranteeing even that primary justice the failure to supply which makes sellgovernment not merely an empty but a noxious farce. Such are the conditions ; and whore the effort made by your officials to help the Egyptians towards self-government is taken advantage of by them, not to make things better, not to help their country, but to try to bring murderous chaos upon the land, then it becomes the primary duty of whoever is responsible lor the government in Egypt to establish order and to take whatever measures are necessary to that end.

AVhen a people treats assassination as the corner-stone of self-government, it forfeits all right to be treated as worthy of self-government. Aon are in Egypt for several purposes, among them one of the greatest is the benefit of the Egyptian people. You saved them from ruin by coming in, and at the present moment, if they are not governed from outside they will sink into a welter of chaos. Some nation must govern Egypt. T hope and believe that you will decide that it is vour dutv to he that nation.