The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times. FRIDAY, JANUARY 2nd, 1925. OUR IMPERIAL FUTURE.

Hokitika Guardian, 2 January 1925, Page 2

The Guardian And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times. FRIDAY, JANUARY 2nd, 1925. OUR IMPERIAL FUTURE.

Tun Empire is very much to the fore these days interest being formed hy the pro-l)oniinion attitude of the Baldwin .Ministry, which is essentially imperial in its leanings. The subject is discussed very closely in the following magazine article which affords further evidence of the growing interest in high places a.s to the future of the British Empire. The article says there are two alternatives to the future of the Empire, the contemplation of which forces itself upon: the minds of thinking people who live \\ithin that great Imperial chain whose boundary touches the Hebrides, Vancouver, the Cape, Colombo, Sydney, Hobart and Invercargill. The one is that the tendency of these post-war years must work in the direction of a stronger consolidating bond, riveting the Empire in closer and indissoluble ties, cemented by the common suffering and bloodshed of seven years ago, the other, r loosening of that girdle which has for so long maintained the hegemony of the Empire, and consequent disintegration founded on a desire to stand alone, vested with the independence of a new age. It is unthinkable that the long record of British Imperial unity should culminate in discord ami dissolution. Tt is true, as history conclusively proves, that empires in the past have been despotic, intolerant, and over-rid-ing in their claims; have been armed arsenals that have continually threatened and repeatedly disturbed the peace of the world. But any dear-thinking student of international affairs to-day would hear testimony that the British Commonwealth of Nathions stands as the Palladium of men’s rights and liberties and figures as the greatest factor for good that the world has seen as yet. Tn discussing the British Empire in relation to Great Britain, it is often thought by the man in the street that such matters are far removed from his ordinary life. Ho considers that he is chiefly concerned with the more prosaic affairs of life, such as bringing up bis children, making a living, and striving to win a competency to ensure a moderate degree of comfort during the winter of his days. He feels that it does not matter very much to him as to what exact powers the Dominion he lives in enjoys, or as to how these powers affect Great Britain or the rest of the world. For those of us who live far away from the world centres, it is hard to realise that these 'powers do affect our ordinary lives, and that it is our duty as intelligent citizens of our country to have our own ideas about them and to he abe to express them when necessary to those who follow after. We take so many things for granted nowadays. We take it for granted to he free, free to say what we like; free to write what we like; not realising that only a very short time ago. even within the lifetime of our grandfathers, these were exceptional things. But owing to the corning into the world of Great Bn-

tain niid lier ideas of action and thought as principles to life, the rights which were fought for and acquired by our forbears have become commonplace to our own lives. The question before the world to-day is have these things to go on or stop? The answer depends very much on whether the British Umpire can be kept together as 'a dominating factor in the future history of the world. The achievement of this responsibility rests upon ns and our children’s children, and dependent on our troubling to understand what are the underlying principles of our Imperial system, and the capacity of being able to inculcate them. The real dilemma which confronts us to-day is the devising of effective machinery which will and must enable the countries and States of the Empire to act as a unit, as one common authority in international affairs, flow is this to be done ? It is a most difficult problem, and it is only going to be solved by a. steady evolution of time, and the competent faith of the peoples of the Empire that it can be settled if only they bold on. and are determined to find an answer. The Imperial system of Great Britain is a tremendous constitutional experiment, and if it can be made to succeed, tlipn it will lie the greatest international achievement since men handed themselves together in order to work out their own destinies. Perpetual peace, friendly relations, a full national oxisteinc, and a higher .standard of human life, are ideals common to every nation, and if the countries of the British Empire can prove to the world that they are o.arching forward together towards that promised land of the fulfilment of these ideals, then the rest of the world will say: “We all want peace, happiness, and freedom for our peoples, and there is no reason why we should not work together if the British Empire has succeeded in accomplishing it." This is a work for the man and woman in the street. H is not a problem for the statesmen; they have already admitted that they cannot see a way out. II the Englishspeaking peoples of the world—Great Britain and her dominions, and the United States—collaborated in this task for human progress then there would ho acquired such a body oi opinion that no force in the world would be able to withstand it. II we succeed in this mission, it. should not lie too f topian to hope that the social state, which will lie devised, will he the precursor of a world-wide condition of administrative government under which the entire human family will be able to live in amity and concord, nations as divided as tiic fingers, but as united as the hand, rivals only in the pursuit of the arts and the sciences, the cultivation of a lasting peace, and contrihutcr.s to too world’s storehouse ol universal well are, progress and happiness.