CONSERVATIVE POLICY IN THE PRESENT POSITION

Hokitika Guardian, 4 November 1924, Page 4

CONSERVATIVE POLICY IN THE PRESENT POSITION

“BRITAIN IS NOT GOING UNDER.” (By Rt. HOll. Sir AY. Joynson Hicks).

The recent outbreak in Egypt, the dissatisfaction in India, tho futile treaty with tho Bolsheviks, and the thinly veiled threats from Ireland, all seem to call, even during the holiday season, for a restatement of Conservative policy, founded on Conservative principles in relation to our position as a World Rower. The aftermath of the Coalition is still dragging us in directions contrary to those of Disraeli and Salisbury, the cheap cry of self-determina-tion for nations who quite frankly cannot control themselves is still believed in by those who have allowed .Air Lloyd George and, still worse, Air Ramsay AlacDoiiald to do their political thinking for them, and the idea that a ruling Empire still has rights as well as responsibilities seems to have been forgotten amid the cheers of modern democracy.

The main fact which it is as well for the world to remember is that Britain is not going under and is not going out. Tlie great mass of our people believe in the Empire and will, if necessary. mil in ta in it by the sword in spite of the pusillanimous rhetoric of the Union of Democratic Control.

Let me apply this view to various portions of the world, which still remain in the Empire. OUR DUTY IN INDIA.

First take India, which we won and keep by the sword. Let us rid our minds of cant. AA e have given her long before she was fit for it a Constitution which apparently she did not want and will not work.

1 confess T am not surprised. Many of us watched the progress of Hie AIOII- - reforms with the gi'avest anxiety. They have, indeed, failed more quickly than was anticipated, because the very disloyalists for whose benefit alone dyarchy was set up have turned it down with contempt.

England. T agree. is hound hv the acts, however foolish, of the Coalition Government, hut there must he mutuality. Tf the extremists will not accept the scheme for which they clamoured and under which they can quite easily destroy most of the good work done in India by its British rulers, from Hastings to Curzon, it must he revoked and India once more he ruled, not for the benefit of half a million disloyal barristers and money-lend-ers, hut in Hie interests of the 230.030,000. who, illiterate hot loyal, still prefer the British Raj. Our friends there have a right to look to us for help altd support—too often in the past we have forsaken our supporters and tried (I admit without success) to conciliate our opponents. This policy must cease Vmd tho loyalists of Tmlia must lie assured that England will support them.

EGYPT AND THE SUDAN. Egvpt is another legacy from Coalition days. It is dear that there were two schools of thought in that distraught Cabinet on this as on most subjects, but the four conditions nil which quasi-independence was granted to Egypt are the very basis of that grant. These conditions include the military control of the country by an army of occupation. It is futile for Zaglul Pasha, to come over here to discuss any alteration in those conditions. Tt is cruel to allow him to think that they are a subject for discussion, and even our Pacifist Premier has definitely laid it down, that we shall at sill costs retain tlie Sudan: lint then, of course, the same limi-minded statesman said a few weeks ago that he would never guarantee a loan to Russia! Again I say our policy must lie dearly defined, and the Egyptian Government must he told that we shall remain the paramount Power in Egypt, and the governors of the Sudan. Do not let Englishmen, and ('specially men of Lancashire, lorget that from that country alone can we hope for an enlarged supply of raw cotton. For my own part, T fed that if ,nny more Egyptian-fermented trouble occurs in tlie Sudan the only right course will lie for us to intimate politely but. firmly to Egypt that she must retire, and that we will alone govern Ihe Sudan. Fit I ENDS AND FOES IN IRELAND. I 1 nrn from tlie East to the West.

and I see another Imslile (lovernmeii in oilin' as the result of the same Coali lion.

Again T admit that we cannot gi back on our word, though many ol ns and, indeed, tlie coimrty at large

gave no assent to the Irish Treaty and have 110 moral responsibilities for it. Still, we are bound to look at the result. South Ireland is quite clearly trying to go beyond the treaty, and her Prime Minister only this weektalks of a casus belli against ns. Wliat does he mean? We know that

a republic may lie set up any day; we know that South Ireland is disloyal to the British connection, and that on the contrary Ulster declines to be turned out of the Eniprie. Is the Free State going to declare war on us? Once more are wo to try to please friend or loo? Surely the question needs no answer. Let South Ireland eome out’ into the open if she desires. 1 would sooner have an open than a, secret enemy; and wo will protect our loval friends in the north. THE GERMAN “LOAN.”

Now leave for a few moments the Empire in parts to deal with wliat affects it as a whole—the conferences sitting or concluded regarding Germany and Russia. I lay down (writing as [ do in France) the following propositions :

France is our friend and ally. Germany lias been our enemy. We want 110 more war. Security for France and ourselves is more important than reparations; France must be the best judge of wliat constitutes security for her own frontier. For ourelves, if we set German trade on fits feet by a “loan” from this country we are simply forging a weapon for the destruction of our own trade. This must not bo. Curiously, a member of the Cabinet—no less a person than the Chancellor of tlie Exchequer—lias been forced to dissociate himself from the Government policy. He sees with his Treasury experience wliat folly it: will be to use our money to put Germany upon her legs as a trade competitor, and still more wliat a grave menace to our commerce will be a commercial treaty between France and Germany.

Lastly, we have just seen to our amazement a treaty of peace, friendship and assistance signed by our Prime Minister with the representatives of tho most blood-stained tyranny of modern times—possibly even of all time. The Government is apparently prepared to stand or fall by it. Very good; I accept the challenge. And. I am convinced that the real Liberals—the followers of ATr Gladstone and ATr liright—will join with us and decline to sanction such a mad and suicidal policy.

This will involve a general election 11 the early autumn. So tlie letter if we are to save our country rom complete destruction.

I have tried to state what I believe to bo the effect of the application of Disraelian principles to the present situation. It may be said I have been provocative.. Tf to tell the truth is provocative then I admit the impeachment, but I bate sentimentality and milk-and-water polities. It is not fair to the world at’ large. It is entitled to know where our great Empire stands, and I should be prepared to light an election upon tlie views I have set out. which I lielieve are shared by a vast majority of my countrymen. —London “Daily Alail.” Sept. 4th.