SWARAJ.

Hokitika Guardian, 24 April 1924, Page 4

SWARAJ.

A NEW CRISES IN INI)A. ENGLAND, Feb. 9. The British Government in India is faced not only with a new crisis, but with a crisis that is of an unprecedented kind in modern history. In the case of Ireland the Sinn Fein movement boycotted the Imperial Parliament and broke out into revolutionary violence in Ireland itself. In Russia the campaign for constitutional liberty which raged in 1905-G was supported partly by violence and partly by great strikes, leading up even to the “general strike.” - The programme of the Indian Swarajists, or Home Rulers, is different, may easily become as difficult for the Indian Government to deal with.

The last “crisis” came to a climax two years ago and ended with the imprisonment- of Mahatma Gandhi, Tbe British Government had conceded wluit are known as the “Montagu-Chelms-ford reforms” from the names of the two statesmen who were principally responsible for them—E. S. Montagu, the Secretary of State for India, anil Lord _C! 1 c-];msfor(l. the then Viceroy and liotv head of the Admiralty in the first Labour Government. These reforms established a “diarchy.” I bat is to say, both in the Legislative Assembly for all-India and in flic councils in the provinces a preponderating element of elective members was introduced, and the functions of govern-

ment were divided into two sections, some being left to these partly-electeii bodies and the rest being reserved to Government. NON-CO-OPERATION. Mr Gandhi demanded immediate Swaraj or Home Rule. As a means ol getting it he preached a policy ol complete non-co-operation with the British authorities. This was to extend not only to the ordinary business of Government blit to all other activities, such as the law and the universities. He saw also that no popular movement could ever succeed in India so long as

the immemorial hostility between .Moslems and Hindu continued, and, under ills inspiration, Moslem-liindu unity was achieved for the first tiivu: in Indian history, tie was able to accomplish this by means ol the extraordinary hold which he had gained on the Indian peoples, in no country so much as in India is the saint or holy man revered, and no cue denies that in his simple and saintly life Gandhi has set. a high ami sincere'example. TO ENTER. THE COUNCILS. Some were for pursuing non-co-opera-tion at all costs. Olliers were lor making use of the machinery of the reforms in order to enter the provincial councils and Legislative Assembly, control them, and make the task of the Indian Government impossible from the inside. Both the pure Gamliiisls ami the compromisers wanted, anil want imeiliately. Swaraj. But while the former stood out for the policy m

the Master, the other (headed by Mr C. R. Das) declared that uon-eo-opera-tiou suited the Indian Government too well, for the Government would simply go on quietly with the work ol administration, while the masses of the people, deprived of the magic appeal of Mr Gandhi, would relapse into their old apathy. The compromisers recently decided to go ahead and enter llie councils. They had only a lew weeks in which to work before the elections, but they

were amazingly successful. One council, that of the Central Provinces, they are in a position to control entirely. Out of fifty-four elected members they have forty-four. The Governor of the Prtviucc, following the usual custom under constitutions constructed on the British model, promptly invited the Swaraj leader (Dr Aleunje) to “form a Ministry,” that-

is to say, to name the native .Ministers whom the Swarajist majority in the Council would bo ready to supper!. Dr Moonje and Ins followers declined to do this. Thereupon the Governor, as in duty bound, appointed other .Ministers. As soon as the Council met, the Swarajists brought forward a resolution summoning the Governor forthwith to dismiss these Ministers on the ground—which is perfectly true—that they do not possess the confidence of the Council. Tiie Swarajists are thus able, if they choose, to humiliate Ministers and Government at every turn, and at the

same time they refuse, as a settle) part of their policy, to take responsi bilitv on themselves.

Similarly in Bengal. There tin Swarajists control 02 votes, while al the groups that may possibly supporl the Government number S2. The Swarajists being much the .-trcugosl single party in the Council, the Governor here also invited them to accept office and responsibility. They refused. In one of the first debates they condemned severely the Government’s policy with regard to the repression of outrages and alleged seditious plots. The spokesman of the Government promptly replied: "If you have any alternative policy, take

office vourselve-—the way is open—and put it into force.” “No,” the Swarajists replied, “we will not take office, nor do anything except oppose until lull and complete Swaraj is granted to India.” it will be seen how easily tilings may come to a deadlock. ALL INDIA ASSEMBLY.

But the most serious situation is likely to arise in the All-India Legislative Assembly. This contains altogether 144 members, of whom a certain proportion are Europeans and others are nominated by the Government. There are 95 elected Indian members. To secure a hare majority which could control the Assembly land so refuse the Government financial demands) the Swarajists require 73 votes. They have 40 pledged members and they can, it is believed, rely on the 20 Independents on all cirtieal occasions. There are also 35 -Moderates, and it follows that if only 13 of these vote with the Swarajists, the Government will be placed in a min-1 oritv. The purpose of the Swarajists at the moment is so to direct their

tactios as to force as" many as possible of the Moderates to support them on pain of incurring the displeasure of the electorate. Tlie Swarajists in the Assembly arc demanding that the Government should assent to a round-table conference of all parties and groups which would work out a scheme for the immediate grant of full self-government. The act of the British Parliament which put into operation the MontagttChelmsford reforms laid it down that the scheme should come up for reconsideration and revision after a period of 10 years—in 1029, so that in any event the Swarajists would have only five years to wait. They say, however, that if the Government will not assent to the llound-Table Conference within one month, they will then endeavour to procure a majority in the Assembly, and by its means to bring to a standstill, so far ns is practicable, tigs whole work of the Government. In order to better carry out their r-fans they are endeavouring to establish Mosleiu-llindu unity on a firm basis. They know that this is an indispensable preliminary to successful action. In Bengal itself some of the leaders have framed a pact, but it has been bitterly attacked by many of the Hindu Swarajists.- Its most extraordinary provision was to agree that the Moslems should he entitled to 55 per cent, of all Government posts. This is bad in itself because it tends to perpetuate racial and communal divisions iii an acute form, and it was naturally received with indignation by the large number of educated Bengal Hindus who hope for posts under a Swaraj Government. To divide the spoils of office on a racial basis between Moslem and Hindu is a queer way of building up jin Indian “nation” and many of the genuine ‘'nationalists” have raised a strong protest on this ground. An All-Indian National Post has since been framed which docs not contain this obnoxious clause. It stipulates that there shall he no communal colour, or taste distinction in the public services and that,- though there shall he separate representation in the Legislatures, the electorate shall in every case he a joint one. The most interesting clause, perhaps is that which says that “the people of India are to participate in the formation' of a federation of eastern countries which is to he established for mutual help and tindc and for the emancipation of the East from the economic exploitation and domination of Europe.” A Swarajist India would, of course, he highly protectionist. WHAT NOW?

But the immediate question for the Government of India is what is to he done if the Swarajists in any of the provinces or in the All-Tmlia Assembly succeed in blocking the work of administration .

Lord Heading, the Viceroy, recently hinted that the life of the reforms was in danger. He meant that if flic Swarajists successfully obstructed, the system, of diarchy would conic to an end and the Go.vernnient of India would rule alone. Whether the Indian Government would, demand an amendmon' of the Act by the British Parliament or would! use whatever exceptional powers it could is uncertain. Either event- would lie profoundly deplorable. For it would exhibit tile Indian Government as ruling in the teeth of the desires of the Indian peoples and the Swarajists could ask for nothing better than a revision of autocratic rule, which would enable tljun ! depict the British power as taking away even the meagre half-liberty which it had granted and reverting to a despotism which, however, unjustly, i!" • will not even admit to he benevolent. The release of Mr Gandhi, by the Government, is intended to prevent them from claiming that the British power is indifferent to a demand on which all sections of the native Home Hide movement are united.