The Guardian (And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times.) SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 3rd, 1923. THE WEEK.

Hokitika Guardian, 3 November 1923, Page 2

The Guardian (And Evening Star, with which is incorporated the West Coast Times.) SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 3rd, 1923. THE WEEK.

Rkaiikius will recall ihe incident of D'e visit ot Mr Julian Grande to Die ( oast, quite a short while past. The gentleman was engaged writing.a series oi articles lor the London ‘'Daily Telegraph.” and some particulais regarding the opy ’ he despatched Home are mnv available through tin* London correspondents of the New Zealand papers. One ol the correspondents writes: “.Mr Julian Grande’s articles on New Zealand which have appeared in the “|)ail v I elegraph" w ill he one of the best advertisements for the Dominion that have been produced in recent times, though the writer says no more than a gieat many people have said before him and are saying continuously in less important journals in the country. Recently, moreover, the series of articles was rounded off by an appreciative subloader. “Mr Julian Grande.” says Ike writer of the article, “has described with the pen of an enthusiast, the Dominion ol New* Zealand a.« it exists to-day. fl New Zealanders have a grievance as citizens of the Empire, it is that, even to-day, so little is known ol their wonderful land in the Ola Country, although the whole charaiter of their national life retains a much closer resomhlnnco to oar own than is to lie found in any other region of the Empire. Yet they have little enough to complain ot in the at titude of those ol ns who do make their acquaintance.

j “Mis G is an nr, s mliclcs show plainly j that he. much-travelled man though l:e j is, has fallen deep in love with New Zealand, and we never heard of any visitor t-o its shores who did not. But 12,003 miles is a long distance, even in these days, nml New Zealand, happily for its people, lives its own life, far away from the main currents of our troubled and desponding < ivilisation. We hear from them, at- least as promptly as from any others, when danger threatens British security or honour, hut in normal times touch is lost, and our public hardly realises that in New Zealand, a country to which Nature has been as kind as to any upon earth, there is room te-dav tor some 2.000.000 more people than now inhabit it. with vast possibilities of further development as a centre of Briti-di life and culture. The beauty of the land is the amazement of every traveller: the type or civilisation is as vigorous, many sided, and as prosperous ns any to he found ill tilt- Umpire; the problems of democracy aro worked out with far less friction than is suffered elsewhere; and the qualities of the Maori are such that there is here a native population without a native difficulty. In no other Dominion has one of the aboriginal race held Ministerial office. Not eighty years ago New Zealand was in the Stone Age. untouched by civilisation, a wilderness of which for all its natural beauty , Charles Darwin could take his leave with outspoken thankfulness. The creation of modem New Zealand is among the prodigies of the British colonising genius, and its Prime Minister comes

to ns now, on tho eve of tlie Imperial Conference, ns the representative of one of the soundest and best-ordered communities built up by the British race in its wanderings over the earth."

Tiikiik is talk this week of a new political party arising in New Zealand. It is Wong described as a ■‘businessman's party.” If that is its privileged composition, it is not likely to go very far as a forte in Dominion politics. Its politics will be “class,” and it cannot expect- to succeed on those lines. The franchise is so broad now that political parties must he founded on purely democratic lines, if they are to bold sway. The. business man's party seems* to suggest that it i.- an oli-slioot of the Reform party. 'J here is little doubt that that party is not holding itself together as it should if it is to continue its success. The offshoot suggests internal disintegration which rather gets in with the rumours abroad that the Party is not a happy one. The new party will make it fourth division in the political arena, and though it may not do much good for itself, it might have strength enough to do some damage in other directions. It will of course weaken Reform, and the present predominant party weakened, should give some opportunity to Labor to attain greater ascendency in Xew Zealand politics. If the best the business man's party can do is to hasten 1.-ibor into power, its mission cannot be icgarded with much satisfaction by the bulk of the electors of the Do-

ll untion of politics recalls the news now being circulated over the wires daily, that (treat Britain is prcpiirii - for a full dress political battle on the direct issue of free trade versus protection. The Dominion Ihemiers are asking for a ilegtee of piofercnco which means the levying of poleelioii. .Mi Baldwin’s (lovcrnment i- disposed In travel along that road, mil so milch for the benefit of prelcrciice. as ior the purpose of trying to solve the unemployment problem in England. The state of the labor market is costing the country an enormous slllil ' n unemployment doles, and tlit* worst ol it is that the money spent is hardly a palliative—let alone a cute. Ibe unemployed remain, and the colmtn is lace to face with a position, which is growing more and mote politically significant as the days go by. As opponents ol protection, the Liberals stand resolute, and so will come the great light pro and eon. The Labour party, so far as public ex| cessions from I lie leaders are concerned, is in opposition also, but Mi Baldwin very adroitly is making a big bid for the labor vote, by making a strong appeal to idle cupidity of the electors cm the financial i.-snes as aliening the nisi of living.

Fmikii tree trade, England, cl course. in times past enjoyed maiked prosperity. In 181‘J Sir Roert Reel inaugurated the free trade movement in liritain. Export duties were abolished, and prohibition upon imports lenmvod. Three years later there came a further advance in free trade principles, and so on in ISP), |Soil and 1800, when the

crowning ol the free trade edifice was completed. Since 1 I POP there has been it movement iowurd.s tariff reform. Initial. yeai the Ian 1 Joseph Chamberlain left the t lovernmeiit, of which be was a distinguished member, to advocate the policy, lie made a greet, but unsuccessful light to establish the principle of the lariH", and since Hull day limit* has been always an iluportaih element in Brili-h polities advocating ..bat would menu a political revolution for England There is a new condition of affairs arising in England - and also in Europe, for trade with that quarter governs the position. There is the further question of the overseas empire, no le-s ] art and parcel of Great Britain, and bound up with the prosperity ol the homeland. The war Inis left its mark on tin* northern hemispl.cie in more wavs than one. and certainly in regard to liuaneo. has created a now set of elrcilinslai.eOS.

Siiiiin.Y. the refine, the position has to he viewed ftoni a new standpoint altogether. The argument for free trade sixty or more years ago. rs against the conditions of to-day. is on entirely different premises. There is the fact too. that tlm ordinary internal resources of tlie country have to he considered. Alter a lapse of six or seven decades, Britain's resources, as also the volume of flic demand on what, remains, have changed materially, in a word, there is a new and entirely different set ol ciircjunistandos. Britain will, now be ‘•doctored' 1 politically by many different statesmen. who according to their school of tunning, will advise; hut it is a case for impartial review. Party leanings must be mollified at least in some degree, and on that, account a wider view has to he taken than the circumstances alone of the British Isles. ’I here are the isles ami the dominions overseas, where Englishmen and the rue generally has taken roof, and is no loss a part of Britain . The prosperity of siii'li places is of interest, in tact of great value, to the Motherland, and the welfare of the family as a whole must he her care, no less than that ol her own fold within her own. domicile.

Tun immt'ilistt«> future, therefore, In Ills events of great- import and bearing for Great Britain politically. Mr Baldwin has taken Ids eon rage in hath hands, and full of vigor i-, moving rapidly towards what will he a. groat political crisis for England. In the short time he has keen in the glare of public life, he lias comported himself sands and well. Ho is trusted and liked, lie is praised for being essentially an Englishman. There will he a call upon all his reserve strength to light through with his policy. There will he many sharp divisions, and the fear ever present that in the divergence in public opinion which the decision of so great a question will cause the Labor party may find an opportunity to pn“s into flower. The Conservative element in polities which Mr Baldwin leads, will have considered this phase, as no doubt, also the alternative, that if something heroic is not attempted to save the position for the people, a state of mind and temper among the people might result which would perhaps, even quicker lead to the Labor party coming into power at Home. The position is complex and calls for boldness of action. Apparently. Mr Baldwin is prei a red to attempt the task and show the right spirit in setting about it.

The late Mr Bonar Law. remarks an exchange, was not an orator, hut he possessed an extraordinary fluency ol speech, a passion for facts, and a truly marvellous memory. He will he hold in grateful memory by the present gene, ration, and hv future generations, for the large place that he filled in British .statesmanship during the period of the Great War. Just before that he was something of a rallying force to the Unionists in their ruthless hostility to Home Rule-, hut when the Empire was in danger he forsook internal strife for the nobler part of tiie patriot, and he gave devoted service to his country from the first spark of danger to the ultimate defeat- of the Central Powers. As leader of the House of Commons, and later as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Bonar Law carried heavy responsibilities uncomplainingly and with courage and high ability—and he was Chancellor when taxation of unexampled severity required to bo imposed, when the financial problem nt times appeared to ho aim sot beyond solution, when expenditure was at the rate of several mil-

lion pounds a day. In this position, under such extreme conditions, Bonar Law’s capacity for business as well as for statesmanship, his mastery of figure- and of facts, and his power of presenting a true picture to the House of Commons and the public, were of inestimable value to the nation. Bonar haw was a good party man. whether the circumstances of his political faith were natural or acquired- He served his party well and iaithlully. But. greater titan this, and much greater, he laboured for his country with his utmost strength and ability, at tbe sacrifice of personal comfort and health itself. in the hour of its supremest peril and need.