The Guardian (And Evening star,with which is in-Corporate the west coast Times.) SATURDAY, AUGUST 11th. 1923 THE WEEK

Hokitika Guardian, 11 August 1923, Page 2

The Guardian (And Evening star,with which is inCorporate the west coast Times.) SATURDAY, AUGUST 11th. 1923 THE WEEK

The United States is in deep mourning this week, occasioned by the. passing of t.iat “groat, and good man”, aa the now President extolled his predecessor. As was remarked by an exchange, the death of Waion Gamaliel Harding removes from the stage of the world’s great affairs a man charged with heavier responsibilities and possessed of larger powers than fall to the lot of any but a handful of the eons of men in any day and generation. In the Constitution of the United States the President exercises the jaiwors not. of a Prime Minister, hut of a separate independent branch of the Legislature, with powers in some respects—as for instance the power of veto—superior to those of eithor the Senate or the House of Representatives. Charged directly with the administration of government in a- nation ol a. hundred and twenty million souls Hie occupant of White Houso becomes from the moment of his election one of the cardinal factors not only in the affairs of his own country, but in the wider realm oi world-politics.

.president Harding had enjoyed l.is pride of place and carried the heavy burden of his high office for fewer than throe years, but he had had time t impress his personality upon the woild. Ho discharged his duties with becoming dignity, and during his tenure of the presidential office, America improved her friendship with the other great nanations of the earth, llis sponsorship of the foreign policy so ably carried out by Charles Evans Hughes, with its notable achievement in the matter ol the N awn 1 Disarmament Agreement, will redound to his credit when hi.s name goes down in history. As to his place in the domestic politics of his country, the less to the Republican Party is certainly a severe one. Harding was considered one of the very few “safe” moinljers of the party who were also big enough fop presidential nomination, and at the Convention in 1920 this element of safety outweighed the fierce energy of Hiram Johnson, the high ability of Governor J.owclen, the great personal popularity of General Wood and the splendid administrative achievements of Herbert Hoover. !

Tin; 'Old Guard" of the Republican Party waited for the psychological moment and secured Harding's nomination. not so much because he was the ablest candidate offering, but because ho was the one most likely to prove acceptable to all sec tions of the party, and the one upon whom most reliance could be. placed not to kick over the' party traces. In some respects President Harding had a more difficult task than his predecessor, Woodrow Wilson, and in other respects his lot was east in more pleasant places. He had to cope with post-war problems which proved knottier than those of the war itself, hut he enjoyed the support of a majority in both Houses of Congress. He did much to keep his party together. Indeed, lie himself said, shortly after his nomination, that he was selected “because of a belief among the generality of my party that I hud a faculty for bringing men together.” Of a. cheerful and equable disposition, Mr Harding, prior to his inauguration, made light of the task lie was assuming. “Government is a very simple thing, after all,” ho declared. But the burden of government, it would seem, has killed him, just as surely as it broko the body and heart of Dr. W ilson. The modern world exacts a heavy toll upon the health and strength of its rulers.

A remarkably optimistic view is taken by tho Paris correspondent of the Morning Post of a scheme of armaments limitation devised by a commission of tho League of Nations. This scheme, if realised, lie observes, should “reduce to a shadow” the reparations problem over which the Allied Governments are now divided. As it is outlined, however, the seliemo presents no strikingly original feature. It- contemplates a mutual limitation of armaments together with a guarantee by the participating Powers to give common support to any of their numlier attacked without provocation. It is less difficult to devise such schemes than to secure their adoption in conditions that would give them practical effect. Sustained efforts certainly should lie made to bring about an all-round limitation of armements, hut thore appears to be little hope of any progress in this direction in Europe until the reparations question has boon definitely settled.

Tiierk have been some indications in the Tinted Kingdom recently of a disposition to raise the issue of Imperial preference in practical shape. A day or two ago it was reported that over one hundred Conservative members of tlio House of Commons were jointly addressing Mr Baldwin on the subejel. As yet the British Prime Minister has indicated only in general terms that preference will be discussed at the Empire Economic Conference. Whether he intends to give any strong and decided lead in the matter has yet to appear. He is undoubtedly regarded with somewhat uneasy suspicion, however, by those with whom free trade is less a working policy than a faith. Soon after Mr Baldwin took office as a Prime Minister, the ‘Economist” observed that his “appreciation of free trade, not merely as the foundation Ftone of Britain's economic life, but ns the only possible basis of closer economic co-operatin between the nations.” was open to question. His record, it added, was that of a convinced Tariff Reformer. An apprehension that Mr Baldwin is about to give a definite lead in fiscal policy possibly may account largely for the determination of the British liberal Party to conduct a re-

cess campaign in which free trade is to be given a place of prominence.

The administration of tho Gaming Act is dealt with in the annual report of tho Department of Internal Affairs, submitted to Parliament this week. A large number of licenses authorising tho disposal of works of art, etc., hnvo been issued. A number of applications for permission to raffle real or personal property were declined. Attention is drawn to section 39, which expressly prohibits tho disposal of real or personal property bv lottery The regulations made by clubs under section 33 have recently been amended and adopted bv the governing authorities of racing and trotting. It is now competent for any person who by reason of any conviction comes within the scope of the regulations to appeal to the joint Stipendiary Stewards Committee, and for such committee, if they so decide, to grant exception. Tho reports furnished by the inspector and his deputies indicate that the control and working of the totalisntor throughout the Dominion is satisfactory. As the racing season did not end until July 31, particulars of tho total investments etc. for the current year are not yet available.

The reports of the various Enquiry Boards into Soldier Settlements show that some of the settlors suffered from the high prices at which their holdings were purchased, hut it is perfectly clear from those reports that tho slump was by far the most important factor in creating the difficulties which the Bill now before Parliament is designed to remove. Tho Prime Minister pointed out this week that the Boards’ reports show that 50 per cent of the settlers have succeeded, that 39 per cent, have been partially successful, and that only 18 per cent, have been failures. Considering all the circumstances—the urgent need of buying land for a multitude of settlers at a. tiino when prices wore high, and tho unfortunate collapse of tho market for our primary products—it is surprising that the failures were not more numerous, and the cost of rescuing the men in difficulties not greater than two millions sterling. This is a substantial sum, but it is a comparatively small addition to the total cost of the scheme.

According to the Enquiry Board the soldier settlers in the Westland district took up land and bought their in most cases during the period of high prices. Generally speaking, they had little or no capital of their own, and all thenoperations were carried on with borrowed money. Ho long as the high prices lasted, they were aide to pay their way, but the slump of two years ago made it difficult for them to carry on. On the whole, they have come through the ordeal as well as could be expected, and given fair prices in the future, <-.) to 80 per cent, of them should win through. This is not altogether disastrous, but those pulling through are having a hard row to hoc. It is wellknown that tho Government are exacting their payments, and the settlers in several instances have a very hard struggle, having to let other accounts go in order to meet, imperative demands front the Government. Tudor nil the circumstances the men have done very well. In every case they have endeavoured to do their best to make good. The burden of debt is often a heaty load, and when fortune plays them false ns it does with markets and herd's at times, they find their castles are built in the nir. Patience and fair consideration in till cases where the settler is trying hard to make good is not an unreasonable attitude for the Government to take up.