Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

CONTROL OF INDUSTRY.

(Sydney Paper.) Among the aims of the 0.8. U. is the following “As the working-class created and operated the socially operated machinery of production it should direct production and determine working conditions.” But more briefly, this -means the working-clgss should control production. The first point to be understood is, who are meant by the work iiig-class?

Take, as ail example, a big .engineering establishment. All engaged upon tbo works are performing some necessary act towards rtlio-common purpose, from the general manager to the boy who cleans up the shop—draftsmen, clerks, overseers, a ©on Is travellers

buyers, etc., etc. Are all these individually and collectively the workingclass? If they are, then the (.-rudelyphrased objective means nothing, because under present conditions these persons under various guises control their industries. If these are pot the working-class then who are? Presuming that the objective is not idle words we are forced to the conclusion that the working-class menus manual workers only. Such a distinction is ignorant and crude, and can only appeal to such unless it is mere camouflage for .sinister; aud ulterior purposes.

Accepting the interpretation we have placed upon it thatworking class means manual workers, the question paturall.v arises, if one of this class were made, say, ns manager, whose duty would he to supervise the work of others directly he ceases to work with his hands, does lie not cease to he one of the workingclass, and therefore ineligible to direct

the work? It ,it be urged that such a one was eligible because lie had come through the manual ranks, then it follows that the only object gained has been to place one man ill the position of another, which change, so far as the general body of manual workers is concerned, can be of no benefit to them. They will have been used to supplant a man trained for the work of a manager by one not trained for such work. So it would seem to be a very poor result for so much effort. Aloreover, there i; no bar under present conditions which prevents the man ut the bottom from rising to tile top of the tree, provided he has the capacity. It must lie remembered that for every position in every industry men require special training, with the common exception of politics. So that the reform for which , Australians are urged to resort to re- j volution to obtain can result only In placing-the untrained man in t-lio trained nuin’s jell. Such a transfer of direction can bo of no possible advantage te ,

the great body of workers, while ecq- j nomicall.v, it must end in disaster. In | what obber relation it can be a bettermeat it is difficult to imagine. J

Suppose the objective achieved. What ; would be the result? All workers in J every bra lie'll of industry would immediately beetone divided into two classes ; ■—ill© workers and the overseers—and j the former would have to esoai>e from j the thraldom of their taskmasters, he- j muse it is conducted in the iiani© of j the workers themselves, for, inevitabiy , industry would resolve itself into the i workers and the overseers. And the ' latter would consolidate their class distinction with all tli© tenacity which ' is ascribed to “our old nobility.” !

The logical outcome of socialism j_ was amply exemplified on the grand : scale by the ancient Peruvians under th© rule of the Incas. True, the In- i eas were despots more or less benevo- - lent, hut under them the dreams of our present-day socialists were I idly realised. There was never any lack of work, the taskmasters saw to that. ' Everybody worked (t.c , everybody

who was not a taskmaster), anil the product of all labour was bold in stuck by the Government and doled out in accordance with its ideas of the people’s needs. .\ll bad enough, and none too much. Children followed the occupations of their fathers. Once a tiller of the soil, always the 'satin* from

generation to generation, and there was no discontent or strives. If such occurred on a small scale it was prompt ly squelched by with-holding the fond supply, and if on a large scale tin; people of the whole area were transported to a distant part of the Km- ; pire, and the people of that district ; transferred to their place. By tins j means peace, perfect peace, was promptly assured. Gold and silver and precious stones had no vnhie in the eyes of the people for nil such , thugs, were of course, the property of the Government. Not only did this

paternal authority determine the machinery of production and conditions of labour, but also extended its guiding hand into more intimate things, as marriages, for instance. Once a year all males and females of a marriageable age were lined up bo- 1 for© each other and told to “take partners for life, and presumably the same gentle hands fixed up their menage according to its idea of their station in life. AU this was possible and simple because the 'Peruvians were a nation unto themselves, untroubled by the competition of other nations or the laws of exchange. As a matter of fact they were probably not aware of the existence of other nations. After centuries of this idyllic existence, they wore suddenly brought face to face with a band of marauding Spaniards, and they collapsed absolutely, being unable to put up the semblance of a fight for their beloved land of cramped socialistic tyranny. The moral of this is not hard to find. A people that depends upon its govern ment as socialism requires, can never lie worth much to itself or the world. It can offer no attraction to an Australian.

Earlier in this article it is suggested that there is a sinister motive behin I the expressed objective. If that he a shrewd guess, what is intended? Is it a design to us© th© working class as a pawn in Ilya name of revolution, in th© expectation that in the resultant turmoil of the few self-appoint-ed leaders may find positions of power and profit among the ranks of taskmasters of a socialistic State? It m<’.\ I well lie that private ambition is after all the guiding motive among those who seek to precipitate a revolution, careless of all resultant evils to others. If so it were a travesty on commonsense. and a libel on our fellow-oiti-zoiis to believe them so incapable as to allow themselves to be made the tools of such designing and unpatriotic mop. j

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HOG19220826.2.33

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Hokitika Guardian, 26 August 1922, Page 4

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,094

CONTROL OF INDUSTRY. Hokitika Guardian, 26 August 1922, Page 4

CONTROL OF INDUSTRY. Hokitika Guardian, 26 August 1922, Page 4

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert