INDIA AND THE EMPIRE.
A STRIKING ADDRESS
WELLINGTON, July 17
Speaking at a reception on Saturday night, the lit Thin Mr Sastri in clear i and lucid language, and with but a; faint trace of accent, said, in the course of a most interesting address, that those who had watched the connection between Great. Britain and India knew the difficulty of saying which way the balance tended. But the vast majority of his fellow-country-men would endorse what hail been said by the .Mayor, to the effect that the connection of India with Britain had on the whole been a blessing. It was bound to be a greater blessing as time went on. (Applause.) They in India knew how the British, connection had benefited them, and for his own part he believed the connection should he made enduring in its character. It was an office worthy of the human ambition and the greatest human talent to strengthen that connection, and to guarantee peace and goodwill among the nations of the earth. DIA'ERGENT POINTS OP VIEW. There were one or two matters as between India and the British Empire
which required a little revision, and, with the permission of the Indian Government, he was here to put those matters before them. The matters he would refer to should not have been allowed to exist for so long, and the solution should not he delayed any longer than was absolutely necessary. British statesmen had been aware of their existence for years, but they bad found no time to attend to them. It was a great pity that the solution could not have been found
until the grievance became apparent to every voter, and the people coucerned bad even resorted to disorder in the attempt to set matters right. BBITISH CITIZENSHIP.
They who bad studied England ami English literature had been nurtured in the belief that there was a distinct privilege attached to the words "British citizen,” and that in any part of
the Empire they could exercise those privileges. But they found among the white people that that was not the correct ideal. The white people said the British Empire was not a homogeneous unit, the economic basis ol life was not uniform. They must so
I arrange the relations between the different parts of the Empire so that each I part should ho free to develop itsell as it pleased, and that the sell-govern-ing units should he fiee to accept or reject anv one they thought fit. bI’ESTION OE IM.MIGBATION. That was where India and the Empire came into contlie l . hut the conflict was settled in the years 1917-18 on the basis that each self-governing Dominion, including India should he free to pass Immigration Restriction Acts calci)latcd to allow such people to come in as would lie assimilated with the population. The Indians welcomed that legislation, hut their hopes were not realised. The Indians were humiliated and subjected to indignities abroad, and in 1921, after an exercise of patience unparalleled in the history iij subject people, they brought the subject before the Imperial ('onh reuce 11 v ji• he who brought it forward, and 1,, fu'ind jit Mr Ma- si \ a great -unit itri, hi- could not have vished tor a stronger or nisei champion. Ihe Conference said it mis an incongruity that they should regard India as part of the Empire, and yet subject Indians to disabilities, and it went on to lay it down'that Indians already domiciled in a Dominion should he admitted to full tights of citizenship. That, said the Conference, was in the interests of the solidarity of the British Commonwealth. Statesmen knew that if the feeling against the restrictions had been allowed to grow it might cause danger 'to the Empire. That was not a threat of any kind on his part. It aas merely a statement of fact known for years bv British statesmen. Besides, he knew full well that threats did tmt carry much weight among British populations. (Laughter). As to bis mission here he had, lie said, discussed the matter with .Ministers in New Zealand, and he felt that lie would receive the fullest consideration. (Applause). A STRIKING ARGUMENT.
Reverting to tli.o Imperial Conference, he made special reference to the position of the South African portion of the Empire, and the difficult part that General Smuts had to play. The Boers would never give the franchise to a coloured person, and so they would sec the difficulty General Smuts was in in accepting such a resolution as was passed by the Conference. Therefore it was agreed that General Smuts should lo relieved of any responsibility in connection with that resolution, which would not apply to South Africa at present. The inference, therefore, was that General Smuts, concerned for the Empire ns much as anyone else, realised what a great danger to the Empire was growing up in India, and was quite satisfied to let the other Dominions go forward, although he could not give the help that he so gladly welcomed from other portions of the Empire. General Smuts could have blocked the whole thing, hut lie let ii go forward, feeling that although South Africa could not help, it would not he so difficult for Australia and Canada and New Zealand to overcome racial prejudices. AY If AT DOES INDIA THINK? Did they, lie asked, ever think what the three hundred millions of people in India would think if New Zealand or any other Dominion did not roine to a recognition of the equality of radians with tlic rest of the units of the Empire? lie (Mr Sastri) was there to urge them to let their politicians lead them in the direction of abstract justice. There were only about 200 Indians in New Zealand and their numbers would .soon lie diminished, tint they wanted hearty recognition of the fact that Indians were fellow ,subjects ol the Empire. That recognition meant that they in India would he armed with the visible proof that the British Empire, wliieh had been based largely on force, was to he hereafter based on the greater foundation of equality. (Applause). A STIRRING APPEAL.
Then* was in India a lee 1 i ll fir tlmt they had not been treated all right, which had been fostered by what was called the non-co-operators’ movement. That movement had been averted by marvellous statesmanship and timely action, but tbe good effects of the present comparative peace must be strengthened until the Indian felt that he really is a citizen of the British Kmpiro, subject to necessary limitations of local autonomy. India recognised that to cut herself adrift would he to enter into chaos and anarchy and misrule, but was it fair for Britain to take advantage of that fact? India had for many years paid for the privilege of being a part of the Kmpiro; it did so during the war and would do so again. Just as the other Dominions did, but was it fair that the Indian should he content with a subordinate basis, and not he asked to share in the privileges -.;nd advantages of the Empire P The people of India had risen to ho a self-conscious people. The English had taught them a higher and nobler law .of political' international relationship, and surely the British would not refuse Tndia the rights and privileges which it had taught it
to understand and appreciate. (Applause). “We still recognise the benefit of the Empire,” concluded the speaker, “hut it will be an Empire ill strength increased a hundred fold, of glory . multiplied a hundred fold, of usefulness enhanced a hundred fold, it the Indian population were held within the Empire because it shared your pride in the Empire as well as its material honejits Let us take our places by your side .... \\ r e will not interfere with your civilisation, which von cherish as proudly as we cherish ours, hut let us take our place by your side as real brothers under God, as real fellow citizens of a great instrument fashioned by God, as real co-operators in the furtherance of human welfare and human good.” (Loud applause) .
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Hokitika Guardian, 20 July 1922, Page 4
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1,358INDIA AND THE EMPIRE. Hokitika Guardian, 20 July 1922, Page 4
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