THE IRISH PROBLEM.

Hokitika Guardian, 29 August 1921, Page 2

THE IRISH PROBLEM.

' AUSTRALIAN AND N.Z. CABLE ASSOCIATION. ! DE VALERA’S REPLY. * LONDON, August 26. j l)e Valera in reply to Hon. Lloyd George said—l laid your proposals bej fore the Dail Eireann which by unaniI moiis vote rejected them Fiom your I letter of 13th. August, it was clear that J the principle we were asked to accept ' was that the geographical propanguity of Ireland to Britain imposed a condition of subordination of Ireland’s right ’ to Britain strategic interests as she con- ’ ceives them, and that the very length ; and persistence of efforts made in the ! i past to compel Ireland to acquiesce in ■ foreign domination imposed acceptance of that domination now. We cannot believe your Government intend to com- * mit itself to the principles of sheer militarism destructive of international morality and fatal : to the world’s peace. If a small nation’s rights to independence is forfeit “ w hen a more powerful neighbour cov- ' € .rts its territory for military or other advantages it is supposed to 'confer, here is an end to liberty. No longer can any small nation 'claim the right to a separate sovereign existence. Hoi--1 land and Denmark can be made subser f vient to Germany or France, Portuga to Spain. If nations that have beer forcibly annexed to the Umpire losl thereby the title to independence there & can be* no rebirth of freedom for then , In Ireland’s case to speak of her secedin' r from a partnership she has net accepted, or from allegiance she has noi undertaken, is fundamentally false, jusl as the c laim to subordinate iudepend- ? mice to British strategy is fnndamenj tally unjust too. Neither can we be ; j. {ray our nations trust. If on- refusa ; is to be made the issue for war w< 1 deplore it. We are as conscious ol 2 our responsibility to the living as otn ' obligations to the heroic .Tad. „W< 1 have not forgotten war nor do we seel it, but if war is made upon us we musl 1 defend ourselves. We are confidenl ' whether defence is successful or unsuc- ; c essful, nobody representative of Irish ’ llien Jr women will ever propose tc surrender the nations birthright. W) ’ l on g to end the conflict, but if youi ' Government l>e determined to jmpos< ' will by force and antecedent « t negotia tion to insist upon conditions mvolvim the surrender of our whole national po * sition, ttnd make negotiations a mock r ery responsibility for continuance c 3 conflict, rests upon you. On the bash of the broad guiding principle of Gov ernment by consent of the governet 1 peace can be secured, a peace tha will be just and honourable to all ant fruitful of concord and enduring-amity ' To negotiate such a peace the Dail Eire ■ aim is ready to appoint representative; and if your Government accepts tht principle it is proposed to invest then with plenary powers to meet and arrange with you for its application n detail. i LLOYD GEORGE’S REPLY, f LONDON, August 26. Hon. Lloyd George’s reply io Do Yu - lera intimates that Government’s offei r to continue the conference is still open r ] m t the Premier emphasises that tin 1 British offer is such as great Irish pat s riots in the past never dreamed of r The opinion of the civilised woild \V'<t the offer shows this. Lloyd Georg< says he cannot prolong a more '“xchangi of notes. Tt is essential that definite immediate progress be made towards r basis of settlement. Your letter seenu , to show no such progress. If the (.on 1 siderations we put forward can be reconciled with Irish aspirations I wil be happy to meet you and \ our col . leagues. i LLOYD GEORGE REPLIES. E LONDON, Aug. 27. Mr Lloyd George, replying to Mr de Valera, says:—“The British Government is profoundly disappointed tit vour letter. You write of the condition of a meeting as though no meeting had ever taken place. The proposals that vc-re j already made were not made in a haggling spirit. My colleagues and myself went to the very limit of our power in endeavouring to reconcile British and Irish interests. The proposals have gene far beyond all precedent, turd been approved as liberal by the whole civilized world, even in quarters which show their sympathy with the most extreme Irish claims. They are regarded as the utmost the Empire can reasonably offer or Ireland reasonably expect. ' Your letter shows no recognition of this fact. SHOULD NEGOTIATIONS GO ON P 1 Mr Lloyd George’s reply continues: “Further negotiations must T fear, be futile, unless some definite progress is made towards the acceptance of a basis.” “You declare that our proposals involve a surrender of Ireland’s whole national position. Under the settlement we outlined, Ireland will control every nerve and fibre of her national existence. She could ispeak her own language, make her own religious life, and have complete power in taxation finance, subject only to an agreement being made for keeping trade and transport as free as possible between herself and Britain,-at which is her best markets. She would be uncontrolled in her authority in regard to education and all moral and spiritual interests of her race. She would also haye authority #ver law and order, land, agriculture, conditions of labour, industry, health, homes, and the people’s own land, while defence of Ireland within her own shores would be free in every aspect of national activity, national expression, national development. The consent of the governed<*states in the American union are sovereign, though they enjoy no such range of rights.” “We consider these proposals completely fulfill your wish that *the principle of government by consent of the governed ,and that it -should he the broad guiding principle of the settlements which your plentipotontialities are to negotiate and that was the principle first developed by England. It is the main-spring of the representatives to create institutions which she was the I first to create. It is now the very life of the British commonwealth. We could not have invited Irish people to take their place in that commonwealth or any other principle. We are convinced that, through it, we can heal old misunderstandings. and achieve an enduring partnership, as honourable to Ireland as to other nations. A comparison whereof the commonwealth consists.” “When you argue that the relations of TreTand with the British Empire ar e comparable, in principle, with those of Holland and Belgium with the German Empire, I find it is necessary for mo to repeat once more that these are pre-

mises which no British Government whafbsover its complexion, can even accept.” “In demanding that Ireland should be treated as a separate and sovereign power, with no allegiance to the British Crown, and no loyalty to- sister nations of the British commonwealth' you are advancing claims which most famous national leaders in Irish history, from Grattan to Parnell, and 1 Redmond, explicitly disowned. Grattan, in a famous phrase declared: —“The ocean protests against separation, and the sea against union.” O’Connell spoke similarly in the House of Commons in 1830. The British Government offers Ireland what all these patriots asked and more. It is playing with phrases to suggest that the principle of “government by the consent of the governed” compels from us a recognition of that demit ml, or that, in repudiating it, we are straining geographical and historical consideration in order to justify our claim to an ascendency over the Irish , people. “There is ho political principle, ' however clean, that can be applied without regard to limitations imposed by physical and historical facts. To J deny these limitations, "would involve a dissolution of all democratic states. 1 We don’t believe a permanent recont (filiation of the- British and Ireland can t over be attained without recognition of : their physical and historical inter-de--1 prudence, makes complete political and r economic separation impracticable for t both.” - \j> Lloyd George quotes a passage m - Lincoln’s first inaugural address on the ■ brink of American civil war as express- • ing the British standpoint“Physi--1 cally speaking we cannot separate. : 'Suppose you go to war. When yon j cease fighting, the indention,l old quesj tion as to terms of intercourse are ; again upon you.” i j.ir Lioyd George continues: “i : tuought 1 made it clear, both in con- ' veisauous anU iu subsequent communi- ‘ cations, that we can discuss no settle- ! meat which involved a refusal on the • part of Ireland to free, equal, local ? partnership in the British common- ' wealth under one sovereign.” " Wo are reluctant to precipitate the issue, but must point out that a prof loligation of the present state of affairs 4 is dangerous. Action is being taken in various directions, which, if coutin--1 tied, would prejudice the truce, aud ultimately lead to its termination. This would indeed be deplorable. Whilst, ; therefore, prepared to make every al- , lowa tice as to time which will advance ? the cause of peace, we cannot prolong a 1 mere exchange of notes. It is essen- ' tial that some definite progress be made 1 towards a basis upon which further ce- , t gotiations can usefully proceed. The Premier concludes: “In this, ! attd my previous letters, I set forth - 1 the considerations which must govern 1 . the attitude ot our Government. > If vou arc -prepared to examine how far these considerations can be reconciled with the aspirations you- represent I shall bo happy to meet you and your ? colleagues.” r JJAIL EIREANN ACTION, i DUBLIN, Aug. 27. 5 The Dail Eireann will consider Mr Lloyd George’s reply at a private sesI sion to-morrow. ? j COUNTESS MARKIEVICZ. : LONDON, August 26. j Countess Markievicz lias been appoint j ed to the portfolio of Labour in the t : Sinn Fein Cabinet. • ! PRESS STATEMENTS. ! NEW YORK, Aug. 27 The “New York Times” editorially re 1 marks: Any'famous leader who now needlessly plunged Ireland into murderous warfare again, would find it hard to maintain himself. It is this conviction, doubtless, which lies behind i j[r de Valera’s eagerness that any rejection of the British proposals should not, be taken as final, and that the discussions he continued. So long as they are, there is hope of at settlement. , The New York “Evening Post” says: Mr Lloyd George can justify his action | with the argument that he offered the j Irish' even more than recognition of the | i rinciple of “Government by consent of j the governed.” Even if the somewhat i truculent beginning of Mr de V alera s | reply were not taken up by a, mild conI elusion, it would be destroyed by its j own lack of convincing logic. British conditions cannot hamper the real destimes of the Irish. The New York “Tribune” snysi-lhe^ Irish reply is evasive and laboured. It does not breathe a sufficient conviction that a resumption of warfare would be a crime against civilisation and an affront to. the hopes- and judgment of the rest of the world. ,The British W terms are liberal. Can Mr de Valera expect more. A SECRET SESSION. (Received This Day at 8 a.m.) LONDON, August 27. \ secret session of the Dail Eireann considered Lloyd George’s reply, the Dads reply to which is expected on Monday. LLOYD GEORGE’S VIEWS. (Received This Day at 8 a.m.) LONDON, August 27. Hon Tilovd George was presented with the fredom of Barnsley. Referring to the terms offered Ireland, he said the terns commended themselves not onlv to Britain but to the whole civilised world. “We cannot countenaneo separation, which would lead to most cruel amt most- terrible civil war Ireland has ever seen. If Southern Ireland is not satisfied with freedom and insists upon separation, all hope of accommodation must be abandoned. I trust commonsense will prevail. We only want to do what is just and right. I believe that in spite of all indications to the contrary, when the Irish people realise that real freedom is offered them, and that all they are asked to do is to join the proudest community of nations in the world as free nien, they will realise their destiny will lie the greatest as free people inside a free federation of free peoples.