IN IRELAND.

Hokitika Guardian, 15 August 1921, Page 2

IN IRELAND.

IUSTHALIAN ANl* N.Z. CABLE ASSOCIATION. OK VALERA’S REPLY. LONDON, Aug. 13. Some of the newspapers here confirm a report that the British Government regard De \ alera’s letter in reply as being equivalent to a rejection of the Cabinet’s terms. The papers state also that the letter is obscurely worded, and is the handiwork of two or three persons, but lengthily details the kind of self-government which Sinn Fein wants.

The “Morning Post’s” ioubyist states: There is a general impression that Do Valera is demanding a general amnesty for the Sinn Feinors in prison and also the withdrawal of all the Auxiliaries pud. the Royal Irish Constabulary fiom Ireland. And also that the British Government pay all the compensation for the claims arising out of the murders, the woundings and the destruction of property they have effected, the amount being estimated to aggregate £7,000,000.

The “Daily News” Dublin correspondent states: De Valera in his letter replying t> the" British Government has reiterated Sinn Fein’s demand for complete • independence for Ireland. I)e \ alera also submits proposals for international guarantees of Ireland’s integrity and neutrality. DOMINION PREMIERS AND IRELAND. LONDON. Aug. 12. At the launching of the Australian seaplane. General Seeley said he hazarded a conjecture that if there had been no Imperial Conference, there would have been no settlement of the Irish qustion. The spectacle of the Dominions participating, as sister States, in an Imperial crisis was an invaluable object lesson, which appealed to Irish leaders, IRISH DEMANDS. (Received This Day at 8 a.v ’ LONDON, August 14. De Valera’s letter asserting Ireland’s claim for complete independence, which it had been thought the Sinn Fein had abandoned, throws back tile negotiations but there is no rupture. GENERAL SMUTS VIEWS. LONDON, August 13. General Smuts before sailing for home, wrote to De Valera as follows “I have done my best to arrange a meeting between you and Sir James Craig. While he was willing to meet you in conference with Lloyd George, In' still remains unwilling to meet you in his absence. Nothing 1 was able to do or say, moved him from that attitude. If you request a meeting, he will reply saying Ulster will not be moved from the constitutional position she occupies under the existing legislation Slip is satisfied with her present status, and will not agree to any change. On the other hand in your letter von insist on Ulster coming into a united Ireland constitution, and that linfil that is done no further progress can he made. There is therefore an impasse which I do not know how to get over. Both you and Craig are an equally immovable force. As a solution of the problem is out of the question, both on yours and his premises, the process of arriving at an agreement will therefore take time. My conviction is that for the present no solution based on Ulster’s entering an Irish State can succeed. Any "solution on those lines will he foredoomed to failure. T believe it to he in Ulster’s interest to come in, that the force of community, over a period of years would prove compelling, but at present an Irish settlement is only possible if Ulster is left alone. My strong advice to you is to leave her alone and concentrate on a constitution for the remaining counties, and I)v the successful running of an Irish State eventually bring Ulster in.

Ireland is travelling the Same painful road as South Africa, but with wisdom and moderation she is destined to achieve success and freedom, which will lead inevitably to unity. As to that freedom, you are called to choose between two alternatives. You say a Republic is the true expression of national self determination. >The British Prime Minister made an offer of another form of freedom on a Dominion status which is working with complete success in other' parts of the British League. What is good for these,'ought to be good enough for Ireland. For Irishmen to say to the world that they will not be satisfied with the Dominion status would be to alienate that sympathy which lias been the mainstay of the Irish cause.

The Prime Minister offers a complete Dominion status to twenty-six counties subject to certain strategic safeguards which you are asked to agree to voluntarily as a free dominion, and which we Soutlf Africans agreed to, and such offer hy the Prime Minister, who unlike his predecessor, is in a position to deliver the goods, is an event of unique importance. It is far more than was offered Transvaal, Orange Free State, and they accepted the far less generous offer and from it improved their position until South Africa became 'a. happy contented and completely free country.' - T hope you will become a sister Dominion in the great circle of equal States who will stand beside you should you need help, and protect voui non rights, as if they were their own. who would view any invasion on violation of the status as if it were their own, and who would give you the most effective guarantees against any arbitrary interfenenee by the British Government. I am satisfied that from a constitutional point of view, the settlement of the Irish question is now possible and practicable. It is a human difficulty which remains. It is now mostly a human problem. It will bo the gravest reflection on our statesmanship if this auspicious moment be allowed to pass. You and your friends have a unique opportunity, such as Parnell and bis li'-edecessors never had to secure a lasting peace. I pray God you may he wisely guided and that peace will be concluded before the temners change, and another generation of eirifo ensues.