N.S.W. COAL MINES

Hokitika Guardian, 26 February 1921, Page 1

N.S.W. COAL MINES

THE MINER AND THE COAL. (By Carbon in the Sydney Herald). In order to understand the coalminer’s view of the mining industry and of the mineowner, it is necessary to understand first of all his view of the coal which he hews. We must get behind his thought of the mutual relations of coal and miner, before we can probe his idea of the relations Irotween himself and his fellowmen, and their claims upon the fuel store of the race.

I believe 1 am right in saying that the average miner has no doubt that t e vast coal deposits of the world lielong to the mail who has learned -how to cut that coal. To give Imp his due, lie is not nearly so exclusive, as to admission to his union, as some of his fellowunionists of other occupations have proved themselves. His rules concerning the admission of his fellowmen to

the favoured ranks of the men who “go on the coal” are as puzzling to the outsider as the marriage laws of the Austrian aborigines, though the milters’ children possess a general knowledge of them, and the schoolboy of last year, the “flatter” or “clipper” of to-day, can explain their incidence in striking detail, while the “wheeler,” who knows how many of his class are ahead of him, is a lawyer of experience, whoe even miners’ delegates must respect. Tile coalminer, though he grows itulignmt if you suggest that “hard country” or metalliferous miners are greater underground adepts than hi in self, will nevertheless give tardy recognition to such men’s experience, by curtailing for them by statute the length of time .•mother man must put in beside a fullyqualified miner in the bord, “bending,” and “cut through” before being entitled to “take on” and train a mate of 'is own. And in all fairness it should also be said that the two years’ experience of coalcutting, rendered necessary

by enactment of Alede and Persian stringency, is dictated quite as much by necessities of safely to pit and pitmen, as by any tendency to exclusiveness uii4.be part of llie union. But as regards the coal itself, lying lime through the ages, waiting Tor the pick and cutting machine of “the man who knows how,” no miner believes that anyone has any moral claim whatsoever to all that wealth, save the man who

knows how to cut it. For uneountei tears, he has fought the coalowuer fo larger relative share of the coal hewn fur at least three generations he ha I uked upon the owner as one ulm hold by law the coal which is the miner’s In Divine right. 1 use the adjective ad

vixedly. There are few miners who. in seeking to maintain their claim, will (I ny the existence and action of a Creator, but their statement as to 11 is purpose, in putting the coal where it may be reached must lie accepted like wise. 1 do not believe that the average miner ever dreams of acknowledging the Creator’s recognition of the

right to that coal of every man .who a.ii.i t.i warm his hamli, cook his potatoes, or weave his coat. !| his "leaders” can see their wav to advanc-

mg his position in the perennial con--11!ct with the owner, or guiding his lingers to a strangle hold upon that owner’s throat, “his troubles” about the man whose lire goes out. 1 am not prepared to say that the c almincr is more enthusiastically sel!i>h than the average striker of to-day, hut generations of training and conllict have so narrowed his vision that I believe he stands more aloof from the c innninity than do his follow-indus-trialists in times of crisis, and can more calmly contemplate the sufferings of the multitude outside the pale. The coalminer himself is the aristocrat of the manual workers of our land, of all lands. The political economy devised or developed in the shipways must have as free a run as the coal waggon when it, comes forth to the light of day. If facts are against it so much the worse for the kit.

In arguing the point with a coalminer one might as well save his breath if he is not prepared to admit this basal fact as accepted by him and is kind. The idea is not horn of the modern socialist propaganda ; it is the eritage of the miner’s life, and is nearly as old as his history. Argue with him as to the advantages of his mode of gaining a livelihood as compared with the copper miner, and if lie finds you too keen a casuist he will at once take refuge in the wrongs endured hv his great-grandfather, and urge t! esc memories as a proof of his claim against the inineowners for full possession of that for which by accident of “rotten laws” they hold the title deeds. If we remember this root idea in the coalminer’s life motive, Air Willis’ statement that the nationalisation of the industry is of no use to him will not leave its quite so breathless. The coalminer is willing to join his follow-workers in fighting for a share of the privileges of the air, of land or water surface, or for the treasures of the depths in food or mineral supply, hut he will admit no man’s right to share with him the vast reserves of light and force which have awaited his advent upon the planet, and which make provision first of all for his comfort and well-being, and then at his will and inclination to he given forth—for a consideration—to those who can pay for it. The miner is confident of his right and capability to decide the rate at which his fellows must pay for the privilege of using his coal. He does not worry about slackness of trade generally, nor even about lessened coal

export. There can he no imaginable condition of affairs in which coal would he unsaleable ; and the less of the treasured hoards sent out of the country the longer will flic miner’s children and his children’s children inherit the trade, the viewpoint, and the conflict, the unquestioned possession of their fathers and their fathers’ fathers. He is ready to join in the progress towards

the ultimate goal of the collective ownership of all industries, hut he hopes to enjoy an anticipatory slice of the social millenium in the banishment of the coal-owner to his own place. His present feeling for the coal-owner is

not so implacably bitter as a cursory vieAv of the conflict might lead one to imagine. If the man who grudgingly pays him wages lie sees one who by accident or cunning, or reluctantly acknowledged ability, has attained to a position of power for the moment. r f that coal-owner or bis managing representative has risen from the ranks, and “knows all about cutting coal,” the miner will not conceal his respect for him.

In that stern joy which warriors feel In foemen worthy of their steel. And if the coal-owner can succeed in wringing from the reluctant consumer a higher price for the product of the miner’s labour, the miner who shares the results of the rise in price will 'hare in the public outcry, with his Longue in his cheek.

For a generation the Coal Vend provided for the miners’ proportional share in the amount (lie owners could secure by determination and strategy from the homo buyer and the consumer overseas. The recent repudiation by some of the leaders of the owners’ right to raise prices is a feature of the eonfljdfc which is entirely new, and what ; ts aim is not yet manifest. That it is part of the game w-heh men recently in-

troduced into the conflict, and who coming from overseas have rapidly assumed control of the movement by themselves or their deputies, there ran be little doubt. That this protest will be used in the contest which is approaching in some phase of develop ment, to appeal to that public opinion which has hitherto been less valued by the coalminer than bv any other man

on strike, seems evident. Whether the leaders will be content with manoeuvring to capture public opinion by claim ing that the owners’ share of advanced prices is a robbery of the consumer ,or will first of all use public necessity as a lever to gain an immediate further advance in the wages hill, will he made clear in a brief space. In tin* meantime it may help the situation if a little light should he thrown upon the minor’s views of strikes as they are manifest to a student of the psychology of the miner from close quarters.